Extended Lojban Grammar (a draft)

Independent reference grammar of Lojban.

Lojban (pronounced as [ˈloʒban]) is a new cool language.

It is a constructed language based on so called predicate logic which makes it kind of a bridge between different languages and cultures.

Lojban, the Odyssey to our Universe.

What is unique about this language? All natural grown languages have inner drawbacks like complications in grammar rules, biases and restrictions that discourage other ways of thinking.

Lojban is designed to free us from these restrictions and see the world brighter.

Here are its advantages:

• Lojban speech allows you to say things shorter without unnecessary distracting details. For example, you don't have to always think of what tense (past, present or future) to use in a verb when it's already clear from context. When you need details you add them. But unlike other languages Lojban doesn't force you to do so.
• Lojban has unprecedented tools for expressing human emotions.
• Lojban is made consistent and easy to extend. There are no exclusions in grammar. There are nice ways of extending existing vocabulary.

Ask a question on Lojban on the guest board

Lojban is an endless journey

Being carefully worked-out in design by its creators this language accurately and precisely reveals the delicate aspects of logic and our mentality.

• Lojban is clean, simple, and with all these advantages powerful language. Why not start speaking it?
• Lojban is for artists that would adore expressing tiny details of human emotions
• Lojban is for lovers of wisdom (philosophers, in the original sense)
• Lojban is for scientists that like all concepts to be put in a concise system.
• Lojban is the best tool for implementing machine automatic translation. Still it's a speakable language.
• Lojban breaks the barrier of misunderstanding of people with different background.
• Lastly, Lojban is also fun !

Lojban is easy to learn - the number of root words is only 1341. Not that much to learn to start speaking!

Alphabet and phonology

Lojban is designed so that any properly spoken Lojban utterance can be uniquely transcribed in writing, and any properly written Lojban can be spoken so as to be uniquely reproduced by another person. As a consequence, the standard Lojban orthography must assign to each distinct sound, or phoneme, a unique letter or symbol. Each letter or symbol has only one sound or, more accurately, a limited range of sounds that are permitted pronunciations for that phoneme. Some symbols indicate stress (speech emphasis) and pause, which are also essential to Lojban word recognition. In addition, everything that is represented in other languages by punctuation (when written) or by tone of voice (when spoken) is represented in Lojban by words. These two properties together are known technically as “audio-visual isomorphism”.

Lojban uses a variant of the Latin (Roman) alphabet, consisting of the following letters and symbols:

, . ` a b c d e f g i j k l m n o p r s t u v x y z omitting the letters “h”, “q”, and “w”.

The alphabetic order given above is that of the ASCII coded character set, widely used in computers. By making Lojban alphabetical order the same as ASCII, computerized sorting and searching of Lojban text is facilitated.

Capital letters are used only to represent non-standard stress, which can appear only in the representation of Lojbanized names. Thus the English name “Josephine”, as normally pronounced, is Lojbanized as DJOsefin., pronounced ['dʒosɛfinʔ]. Technically, it is sufficient to capitalize the vowel letter, in this case O, but it is easier on the reader to capitalize the whole syllable.

Another method of dealing with stress is to put the letter ` immediately before the stressed phoneme.

Without the capitalization, the ordinary rules of Lojban stress would cause the se syllable to be stressed. Lojbanized names are meant to represent the pronunciation of names from other languages with as little distortion as may be; as such, they are exempt from many of the regular rules of Lojban phonology, as will appear in the rest of this chapter.

Basic Phonetics

Lojban pronunciations are defined using the International Phonetic Alphabet, or IPA, a standard method of transcribing pronunciations. By convention, IPA transcriptions are always within square brackets: for example, the word “cat” is pronounced (in General American pronunciation) [kæt]. Section 2.6 contains a brief explanation of the IPA characters used in this chapter, with their nearest analogues in English, and will be especially useful to those not familiar with the technical terms used in describing speech sounds.

The standard pronunciations and permitted variants of the Lojban letters are listed in the table below. The descriptions have deliberately been made a bit ambiguous to cover variations in pronunciation by speakers of different native languages and dialects. In all cases except r the first IPA symbol shown represents the preferred pronunciation; for r, all of the variations (and any other rhotic sound) are equally acceptable. <tab class=wikitable> Letter IPA X-SAMPA Description ' [h] [h] an unvoiced glottal spirant , - - the syllable separator . [ʔ] [?] a glottal stop or a pause a [a], [ɑ] [a], [A] an open vowel b [b] [b] a voiced bilabial stop c [ʃ], [ʂ] [S], [s`] an unvoiced coronal sibilant d [d] [d] a voiced dental/alveolar stop e [ɛ], [e] [E], [e] a front mid vowel f [f], [ɸ] [f], [p\] an unvoiced labial fricative g [ɡ] [g] a voiced velar stop i [i] [i] a front close vowel j [ʒ], [ʐ] [Z], [z`] a voiced coronal sibilant k [k] [k] an unvoiced velar stop l [l], [l̩] [l], [l=] a voiced lateral approximant (may be syllabic) m [m], [m̩] [m], [m=] a voiced bilabial nasal (may be syllabic) n [n], [n̩], [ŋ], [ŋ̍] [n], [n=], [N], [N=] a voiced dental or velar nasal (may be syllabic) o [o], [ɔ] [o], [O] a back mid vowel p [p] [p] an unvoiced bilabial stop r [r], [ɹ], [ɾ], [ʀ], [r̩], [ɹ̩], [ɾ̩], [ʀ̩] [r], [r\], [4], [R\], [r=], [r\=], [4=], [R\=] a rhotic sound s [s] [s] an unvoiced alveolar sibilant t [t] [t] an unvoiced dental/alveolar stop u [u] [u] a back close vowel v [v], [β] [v], [B] a voiced labial fricative x [x] [x] an unvoiced velar fricative y [ə] [@] a central mid vowel z [z] [z] a voiced alveolar sibilant </tab> The Lojban sounds must be clearly pronounced so that they are not mistaken for each other. Voicing and placement of the tongue are the key factors in correct pronunciation, but other subtle differences will develop between consonants in a Lojban-speaking community. At this point these are the only mandatory rules on the range of sounds.

Note in particular that Lojban vowels can be pronounced with either rounded or unrounded lips; typically o and u are rounded and the others are not, as in English, but this is not a requirement; some people round y as well. Lojban consonants can be aspirated or unaspirated. Palatalizing of consonants, as found in Russian and other languages, is not generally acceptable in pronunciation, though a following i may cause it.

The sounds represented by the letters c, g, j, s, and x require special attention for speakers of English, either because they are ambiguous in the orthography of English (c, g, s), or because they are strikingly different in Lojban (c, j, x). The English “c” represents three different sounds, [k] in “cat” and

[s] in “cent”, as well as the [ʃ] of “ocean”. Similarly, English “g” can represent [ɡ] as in “go”, [dʒ] as in “gentle”, and [ʒ] as in the second "g" in “garage” (in some pronunciations). English “s” can be either [s] as in “cats”, [z] as in “cards”, [ʃ] as in “tension”, or [ʒ] as in “measure”. The sound of Lojban x doesn't appear in most English dialects at all.

There are two common English sounds that are found in Lojban but are not Lojban consonants: the “ch” of “church” and the “j” of “judge”. In Lojban, these are considered two consonant sounds spoken together without an intervening vowel sound, and so are represented in Lojban by the two separate consonants: tc (IPA [tʃ]) and dj (IPA [dʒ]). In general, whether a complex sound is considered one sound or two depends on the language: Russian views “ts” as a single sound, whereas English, French, and Lojban consider it to be a consonant cluster.

The Special Lojban Characters

The apostrophe, period, and comma need special attention. They are all used as indicators of a division between syllables, but each has a different pronunciation, and each is used for different reasons:

The apostrophe represents a phoneme similar to a short, breathy English “h”, (IPA [h]). The letter “h” is not used to represent this sound for two reasons: primarily in order to simplify explanations of the morphology, but also because the sound is very common, and the apostrophe is a visually lightweight representation of it. The apostrophe sound is a consonant in nature, but is not treated as either a consonant or a vowel for purposes of Lojban morphology (word-formation), which is explained in Chapter 5. In addition, the apostrophe visually parallels the comma and the period, which are also used (in different ways) to separate syllables.

The apostrophe is included in Lojban only to enable a smooth transition between vowels, while joining the vowels within a single word. In fact, one way to think of the apostrophe is as representing an unvoiced vowel glide.

As a permitted variant, any unvoiced fricative other than those already used in Lojban may be used to render the apostrophe: IPA [θ] is one possibility. The convenience of the listener should be regarded as paramount in deciding to use a substitute for [h].

The period represents a mandatory pause, with no specified length; a glottal stop (IPA

[ʔ]) is considered a pause of shortest length. A pause (or glottal stop) may appear between any two words, and in certain cases – explained in detail in

Section 5.8 – must occur. In particular, a word beginning with a vowel is always preceded by a pause, and a word ending in a consonant is always followed by a pause.

Technically, the period is an optional reminder to the reader of a mandatory pause that is dictated by the rules of the language; because these rules are unambiguous, a missing period can be inferred from otherwise correct text. Periods are included only as an aid to the reader.

A period also may be found apparently embedded in a word. When this occurs, such a written string is not one word but two, written together to indicate that the writer intends a unitary meaning for the compound. It is not really necessary to use a space between words if a period appears.

The comma is used to indicate a syllable break within a word, generally one that is not obvious to the reader. Such a comma is written to separate syllables, but indicates that there must be no pause between them, in contrast to the period. Between two vowels, a comma indicates that some type of glide may be necessary to avoid a pause that would split the two syllables into separate words. It is always legal to use the apostrophe (IPA

[h]) sound in pronouncing a comma. However, a comma cannot be pronounced as a pause or glottal stop between the two letters separated by the comma, because that pronunciation would split the word into two words.

Otherwise, a comma is usually only used to clarify the presence of syllabic l, m, n, or r (discussed later). Commas are never required: no two Lojban words differ solely because of the presence or placement of a comma.

Here is a somewhat artificial example of the difference in pronunciation between periods, commas and apostrophes. In the English song about Old MacDonald's Farm, the vowel string which is written as “ee-i-ee-i-o” in English could be Lojbanized with periods as:

Example 2.1:

.i.ai.i.ai.o

[ʔi ʔaj ʔi ʔaj ʔo]

Ee! Eye! Ee! Eye! Oh!

However, this would sound clipped, staccato, and unmusical compared to the English. Furthermore, although Example 2.1 is a string of meaningful Lojban words, as a sentence it makes very little sense. (Note the use of periods embedded within the written word.)

If commas were used instead of periods, we could represent the English string as a Lojbanized name, ending in a consonant:

Example 2.2:

.i,ai,i,ai,on.

[ʔi jaj ji jaj jonʔ]

The commas represent new syllable breaks, but prohibit the use of pauses or glottal stop. The pronunciation shown is just one possibility, but closely parallels the intended English pronunciation.

However, the use of commas in this way is risky to unambiguous interpretation, since the glides might be heard by some listeners as diphthongs, producing something like

Example 2.3:

.i,iai,ii,iai,ion.

which is technically a different Lojban name. Since the intent with Lojbanized names is to allow them to be pronounced more like their native counterparts, the comma is allowed to represent vowel glides or some non-Lojbanic sound. Such an exception affects only spelling accuracy and the ability of a reader to replicate the desired pronunciation exactly; it will not affect the recognition of word boundaries.

Still, it is better if Lojbanized names are always distinct. Therefore, the apostrophe is preferred in regular Lojbanized names that are not attempting to simulate a non-Lojban pronunciation perfectly. (Perfection, in any event, is not really achievable, because some sounds simply lack reasonable Lojbanic counterparts.)

If apostrophes were used instead of commas in Example 2.2, it would appear as:

Example 2.4:

.i'ai'i'ai'on.

[ʔi hai hi hai honʔ]

which preserves the rhythm and length, if not the exact sounds, of the original English.

Diphthongs and Syllabic Consonants

There exist 16 diphthongs in the Lojban language. A diphthong is a vowel sound that consists of two elements, a short vowel sound and a glide, either a labial (IPA [w]) or palatal (IPA [j]) glide, that either precedes (an on-glide) or follows (an off-glide) the main vowel. Diphthongs always constitute a single syllable.

For Lojban purposes, a vowel sound is a relatively long speech-sound that forms the nucleus of a syllable. Consonant sounds are relatively brief and normally require an accompanying vowel sound in order to be audible. Consonants may occur at the beginning or end of a syllable, around the vowel, and there may be several consonants in a cluster in either position. Each separate vowel sound constitutes a distinct syllable; consonant sounds do not affect the determination of syllables.

The six Lojban vowels are a, e, i, o, u, and y. The first five vowels appear freely in all kinds of Lojban words. The vowel y has a limited distribution: it appears only in Lojbanized names, in the Lojban names of the letters of the alphabet, as a glue vowel in compound words, and standing alone as a space-filler word (like English “uh” or “er”).

The Lojban diphthongs are shown in the table below. (Variant pronunciations have been omitted, but are much as one would expect based on the variant pronunciations of the separate vowel letters: ai may be pronounced

[ɑj], for example.)

<tab class=wikitable head=top> Letters IPA Description ai [aj] an open vowel with palatal off-glideei [ɛj] a front mid vowel with palatal off-glideoi [oj] a back mid vowel with palatal off-glideau [aw] an open vowel with labial off-glideia [ja] an open vowel with palatal on-glideie [jɛ] a front mid vowel with palatal on-glideii [ji] a front close vowel with palatal on-glideio [jo] a back mid vowel with palatal on-glideiu [ju] a back close vowel with palatal on-glideua [wa] an open vowel with labial on-glideue [wɛ] a front mid vowel with labial on-glideui [wi] a front close vowel with labial on-glideuo [wo] a back mid vowel with labial on-glideuu [wu] a back close vowel with labial on-glideiy [jə] a central mid vowel with palatal on-glideuy [wə] a central mid vowel with labial on-glide

(Approximate English equivalents of most of these diphthongs exist: See Section for examples.)

The first four diphthongs above ( ai, ei, oi, and au, the ones with off-glides) are freely used in most types of Lojban words; the ten following ones are used only as stand-alone words and in Lojbanized names and borrowings; and the last two ( iy and uy) are used only in Lojbanized names.

The syllabic consonants of Lojban, [l̩], [m̩], [n̩], and [r̩], are variants of the non-syllabic [l], [m], [n], and [r] respectively. They normally have only a limited distribution, appearing in Lojban names and borrowings, although in principle any l, m, n, or r may be pronounced syllabically. If a syllabic consonant appears next to a l, m, n, or r that is not syllabic, it may not be clear which is which:

brlgan.

[br̩lgan]

is a hypothetical Lojbanized name with more than one valid pronunciation; however it is pronounced, it remains the same word.

Syllabic consonants are treated as consonants rather than vowels from the standpoint of Lojban morphology. Thus Lojbanized names, which are generally required to end in a consonant, are allowed to end with a syllabic consonant. An example is rl., which is an approximation of the English name “Earl”, and has two syllabic consonants.

Syllables with syllabic consonants and no vowel are never stressed or counted when determining which syllables to stress (see Section 2.5).

Vowel Pairs

Lojban vowels also occur in pairs, where each vowel sound is in a separate syllable. These two vowel sounds are connected (and separated) by an apostrophe. Lojban vowel pairs should be pronounced continuously with the [h] sound between (and not by a glottal stop or pause, which would split the two vowels into separate words).

All vowel combinations are permitted in two-syllable pairs with the apostrophe separating them; this includes those which constitute diphthongs when the apostrophe is not included.

The Lojban vowel pairs are: a'a, a'e, a'i, a'o, a'u, a'y, e'a, e'e, e'i, e'o, e'u, e'y, i'a, i'e, i'i, i'o, i'u, i'y, o'a, o'e, o'i, o'o, o'u, o'y, u'a, u'e, u'i, u'o, u'u, u'y, y'a, y'e, y'i, y'o, y'u, y'y.

Vowel pairs involving y appear only in Lojbanized names. They could appear in cmavo (structure words), but only .y'y. is so used – it is the Lojban name of the apostrophe letter (See Section ).

When more than two vowels occur together in Lojban, the normal pronunciation pairs vowels from the left into syllables, as in the Lojbanized name:

meiin.

mei,in.

Example contains the diphthong ei followed by the vowel i. In order to indicate a different grouping, the comma must always be used, leading to:

me,iin.

which contains the vowel e followed by the diphthong ii. In rough English representation, Example is “May Een”, whereas Example is “Meh Yeen”.

Consonant Clusters

A consonant sound is a relatively brief speech-sound that precedes or follows a vowel sound in a syllable; its presence either preceding or following does not add to the count of syllables, nor is a consonant required in either position for any syllable. Lojban has seventeen consonants: for the purposes of this section, the apostrophe is not counted as a consonant.

An important distinction dividing Lojban consonants is that of voicing. The following table shows the unvoiced consonants and the corresponding voiced ones: <tab class=wikitable> Unvoiced Voiced p b t d k g f v c j s z x - </tab> The consonant x has no voiced counterpart in Lojban. The remaining consonants, l, m, n, and r, are typically pronounced with voice, but can be pronounced unvoiced.

Consonant sounds occur in languages as single consonants, or as doubled, or as clustered combinations. Single consonant sounds are isolated by word boundaries or by intervening vowel sounds from other consonant sounds. Doubled consonant sounds are either lengthened like [s] in English “hiss”, or repeated like [k] in English “backcourt”. Consonant clusters consist of two or more single or doubled consonant sounds in a group, each of which is different from its immediate neighbor. In Lojban, doubled consonants are excluded altogether, and clusters are limited to two or three members, except in Lojbanized names.

Consonants can occur in three positions in words: initial (at the beginning), medial (in the middle), and final (at the end). In many languages, the sound of a consonant varies depending upon its position in the word. In Lojban, as much as possible, the sound of a consonant is unrelated to its position. In particular, the common American English trait of changing a “t” between vowels into a “d” or even an alveolar tap (IPA [ɾ]) is unacceptable in Lojban.

Lojban imposes no restrictions on the appearance of single consonants in any valid consonant position; however, no consonant (including syllabic consonants) occurs final in a word except in Lojbanized names.

Pairs of consonants can also appear freely, with the following restrictions:

• It is forbidden for both consonants to be the same, as this would violate the rule against double consonants.
• It is forbidden for one consonant to be voiced and the other unvoiced. The consonants l, m, n, and r are exempt from this restriction. As a result, bf is forbidden, and so is sd, but both fl and vl, and both ls and lz, are permitted.
• It is forbidden for both consonants to be drawn from the set c, j, s, z.
• The specific pairs cx, kx, xc, xk, and mz are forbidden.

These rules apply to all kinds of words, even Lojbanized names. If a name would normally contain a forbidden consonant pair, a y can be inserted to break up the pair:

djeimyz.

[dʒɛj məzʔ]

James

The regular English pronunciation of “James”, which is [dʒɛjmz], would Lojbanize as djeimz., which contains a forbidden consonant pair.

Initial Consonant Pairs

The set of consonant pairs that may appear at the beginning of a word (excluding Lojbanized names) is far more restricted than the fairly large group of permissible consonant pairs described in Section 2.3. Even so, it is more than English allows, although hopefully not more than English-speakers (and others) can learn to pronounce.

There are just 48 such permissible initial consonant pairs, as follows: bl br cf ck cl cm cn cp cr ct dj dr dz fl fr gl gr jb jd jg jm jv kl kr ml mr pl pr sf sk sl sm sn sp sr st tc tr ts vl vr xl xr zb zd zg zm zv Lest this list seem almost random, a pairing of voiced and unvoiced equivalent vowels will show significant patterns which may help in learning: pl pr fl fr bl br vl vr

cp cf ct ck cm cn cl cr jb jv jd jg jm sp sf st sk sm sn sl sr zb zv zd zg zm

tc tr ts kl kr dj dr dz gl gr

ml mr xl xr Note that if both consonants of an initial pair are voiced, the unvoiced equivalent is also permissible, and the voiced pair can be pronounced simply by voicing the unvoiced pair. (The converse is not true: cn is a permissible initial pair, but jn is not.)

Consonant triples can occur medially in Lojban words. They are subject to the following rules:

• The first two consonants must constitute a permissible consonant pair;
• The last two consonants must constitute a permissible initial consonant pair;
• The triples ndj, ndz, ntc, and nts are forbidden.

Lojbanized names can begin or end with any permissible consonant pair, not just the 48 initial consonant pairs listed above, and can have consonant triples in any location, as long as the pairs making up those triples are permissible. In addition, names can contain consonant clusters with more than three consonants, again requiring that each pair within the cluster is valid.

Buffering Of Consonant Clusters

Many languages do not have consonant clusters at all, and even those languages that do have them often allow only a subset of the full Lojban set. As a result, the Lojban design allows the use of a buffer sound between consonant combinations which a speaker finds unpronounceable. This sound may be any non-Lojbanic vowel which is clearly separable by the listener from the Lojban vowels. Some possibilities are IPA [ɪ], [ɨ], [ʊ], or even [ʏ], but there probably is no universally acceptable buffer sound. When using a consonant buffer, the sound should be made as short as possible. Two examples showing such buffering (we will use [ɪ] in this chapter) are:

vrusi

[ˈvru si] or [vɪ ˈru si]

.AMsterdam.

[ʔam ster damʔ] or [ˈʔa mɪ sɪ tɛ rɪ da mɪʔ]

When a buffer vowel is used, it splits each buffered consonant into its own syllable. However, the buffering syllables are never stressed, and are not counted in determining stress. They are, in effect, not really syllables to a Lojban listener, and thus their impact is ignored.

Here are more examples of unbuffered and buffered pronunciations:

klama

[ˈkla ma]

[kɪ ˈla ma]

xapcke

[ˈxap ʃkɛ]

[ˈxa pɪ ʃkɛ]

[ˈxa pɪ ʃɪ kɛ]

In Example , we see that buffering vowels can be used in just some, rather than all, of the possible places: the second pronunciation buffers the pc consonant pair but not the ck. The third pronunciation buffers both.

ponyni'u

[po nə 'ni hu]

Example cannot contain any buffering vowel. It is important not to confuse the vowel y, which is pronounced [ə], with the buffer, which has a variety of possible pronunciations and is never written. Consider the contrast between

bongynanba

[boŋ gə ˈnan ba]

an unlikely Lojban compound word meaning “bone bread” (note the use of [ŋ] as a representative of n before g) and

bongnanba

[boŋ ˈgnan ba]

a possible borrowing from another language (Lojban borrowings can only take a limited form). If Example were pronounced with buffering, as

[boŋ gɪ ˈnan ba]

it would be very similar to Example . Only a clear distinction between y and any buffering vowel would keep the two words distinct.

Since buffering is done for the benefit of the speaker in order to aid pronounceability, there is no guarantee that the listener will not mistake a buffer vowel for one of the six regular Lojban vowels. The buffer vowel should be as laxly pronounced as possible, as central as possible, and as short as possible. Furthermore, it is worthwhile for speakers who use buffers to pronounce their regular vowels a bit longer than usual, to avoid confusion with buffer vowels. The speakers of many languages will have trouble correctly hearing any of the suggested buffer vowels otherwise. By this guideline, Example would be pronounced

[boːŋ gɪ ˈnaːn baː]

with lengthened vowels.

Syllabication And Stress

A Lojban word has one syllable for each of its vowels, diphthongs, and syllabic consonants (referred to simply as “vowels” for the purposes of this section.) Syllabication rules determine which of the consonants separating two vowels belong to the preceding vowel and which to the following vowel. These rules are conventional only; the phonetic facts of the matter about how utterances are syllabified in any language are always very complex.

A single consonant always belongs to the following vowel. A consonant pair is normally divided between the two vowels; however, if the pair constitute a valid initial consonant pair, they are normally both assigned to the following vowel. A consonant triple is divided between the first and second consonants. Apostrophes and commas, of course, also represent syllable breaks. Syllabic consonants usually appear alone in their syllables.

It is permissible to vary from these rules in Lojbanized names. For example, there are no definitive rules for the syllabication of names with consonant clusters longer than three consonants. The comma is used to indicate variant syllabication or to explicitly mark normal syllabication.

Here are some examples of Lojban syllabication:

pujenaicajeba

pu,je,nai,ca,je,ba

This word has no consonant pairs and is therefore syllabified before each medial consonant.

ninmu

nin,mu

This word is split at a consonant pair.

fitpri

fit,pri

This word is split at a consonant triple, between the first two consonants of the triple.

sairgoi

sair,goi

sai,r,goi

This word contains the consonant pair rg; the r may be pronounced syllabically or not.

klezba

klez,ba

kle,zba

This word contains the permissible initial pair zb, and so may be syllabicated either between z and b or before zb.

Stress is a relatively louder pronunciation of one syllable in a word or group of words. Since every syllable has a vowel sound (or diphthong or syllabic consonant) as its nucleus, and the stress is on the vowel sound itself, the terms “stressed syllable” and “stressed vowel” are largely interchangeable concepts.

Most Lojban words are stressed on the next-to-the-last, or penultimate, syllable. In counting syllables, however, syllables whose vowel is y or which contain a syllabic consonant ( l, m, n, or r) are never counted. (The Lojban term for penultimate stress is

da'amoi terbasna.) Similarly, syllables created solely by adding a buffer vowel, such as

[ɪ], are not counted.

There are actually three levels of stress – primary, secondary, and weak. Weak stress is the lowest level, so it really means no stress at all. Weak stress is required for syllables containing y, a syllabic consonant, or a buffer vowel.

Primary stress is required on the penultimate syllable of Lojban content words (called brivla). Lojbanized names may be stressed on any syllable, but if a syllable other than the penultimate is stressed, the syllable (or at least its vowel) must be capitalized in writing. Lojban structural words (called cmavo) may be stressed on any syllable or none at all. However, primary stress may not be used in a syllable just preceding a brivla, unless a pause divides them; otherwise, the two words may run together.

Secondary stress is the optional and non-distinctive emphasis used for other syllables besides those required to have either weak or primary stress. There are few rules governing secondary stress, which typically will follow a speaker's native language habits or preferences. Secondary stress can be used for contrast, or for emphasis of a point. Secondary stress can be emphasized at any level up to primary stress, although the speaker must not allow a false primary stress in brivla, since errors in word resolution could result.

The following are Lojban words with stress explicitly shown:

dikyjvo

DI,ky,jvo

(In a fully-buffered dialect, the pronunciation would be:

['di kə ʒɪ vo].) Note that the syllable ky is not counted in determining stress. The vowel y is never stressed in a normal Lojban context.

.armstrong.

.ARM,strong.

This is a Lojbanized version of the name “Armstrong”. The final g must be explicitly pronounced. With full buffering, the name would be pronounced:

[ˈʔa rɪ mɪ sɪ tɪ ro nɪ gɪʔ]

However, there is no need to insert a buffer in every possible place just because it is inserted in one place: partial buffering is also acceptable. In every case, however, the stress remains in the same place: on the first syllable.

The English pronunciation of “Armstrong”, as spelled in English, is not correct by Lojban standards; the letters “ng” in English represent a velar nasal (IPA

[ŋ]) which is a single consonant. In Lojban,

ng represents two separate consonants that must both be pronounced; you may not use

[ŋ] to pronounce Lojban

ng, although

[ŋg] is acceptable. English speakers are likely to have to pronounce the ending with a buffer, as one of the following:

[ˈʔarm stron gɪʔ]

or

[ˈʔarm stroŋ gɪʔ]

or even

[ˈʔarm stro nɪgʔ]

The normal English pronunciation of the name “Armstrong” could be Lojbanized as:

.ARMstron.

since Lojban n is allowed to be pronounced as the velar nasal

[ŋ].

Here is another example showing the use of y:

bisydja

BI,sy,dja

BI,syd,ja

This word is a compound word, or lujvo, built from the two affixes bis and dja. When they are joined, an impermissible consonant pair results: sd. In accordance with the algorithm for making lujvo, explained in Section 5.10, a y is inserted to separate the impermissible consonant pair; the y is not counted as a syllable for purposes of stress determination.

da'udja

da'UD,ja

da'U,dja

These two syllabications sound the same to a Lojban listener – the association of unbuffered consonants in syllables is of no import in recognizing the word.

e'u bridi

e'u BRI,di

E'u BRI,di

e'U.BRI,di

In Example , e'u is a cmavo and bridi is a brivla. Either of the first two pronunciations is permitted: no primary stress on either syllable of e'u, or primary stress on the first syllable. The third pronunciation, which places primary stress on the second syllable of the cmavo, requires that – since the following word is a brivla – the two words must be separated by a pause. Consider the following two cases:

le re nobli prenu

le re NObli PREnu

le re no bliprenu

le re no bliPREnu

If the cmavo no in Example were to be stressed, the phrase would sound exactly like the given pronunciation of Example , which is unacceptable in Lojban: a single pronunciation cannot represent both.

IPA For English Speakers

There are many dialects of English, thus making it difficult to define the standardized symbols of the IPA in terms useful to every reader. All the symbols used in this chapter are repeated here, in more or less alphabetical order, with examples drawn from General American. In addition, some attention is given to the Received Pronunciation of (British) English. These two dialects are referred to as GA and RP respectively. Speakers of other dialects should consult a book on phonetics or their local television sets.

[ˈ]

• An IPA indicator of primary stress; the syllable which follows [ˈ] receives primary stress.

[ʔ]

• An allowed variant of Lojban .. This sound is not usually considered part of English. It is the catch in your throat that sometimes occurs prior to the beginning of a word (and sometimes a syllable) which starts with a vowel. In some dialects, like Cockney and some kinds of American English, it is used between vowels instead of “t”: “bottle” [boʔl̩]. The English interjection “uh-oh!” almost always has it between the syllables.

[ː]

• A symbol indicating that the previous vowel is to be spoken for a longer time than usual. Lojban vowels can be pronounced long in order to make a greater contrast with buffer vowels.

[a]

• The preferred pronunciation of Lojban a. This sound doesn't occur in GA, but sounds somewhat like the “ar” of “park”, as spoken in RP or New England American. It is pronounced further forward in the mouth than [ɑ].

[ɑ]

• An allowed variant of Lojban a. The “a” of GA “father”. The sound [a] is preferred because GA speakers often relax an unstressed [ɑ] into a schwa [ə], as in the usual pronunciations of “about” and “sofa”. Because schwa is a distinct vowel in Lojban, English speakers must either learn to avoid this shift or to use [a] instead: the Lojban word for “sofa” is sfofa, pronounced :[sfofa] or [sfofɑ] but never [sfofə] which would be the non-word sfofy.

[æ]

• Not a Lojban sound. The “a” of English “cat”.

[b]

• The preferred pronunciation of Lojban b. As in English “boy”, “sober”, or “job”.

[β]

• An allowed variant of Lojban v. Not an English sound; the Spanish "b" or "v" between vowels. This sound should not be used for Lojban b.

[d]

• The preferred pronunciation of Lojban d. As in English “dog”, “soda”, or “mad”.

[ɛ]

• The preferred pronunciation of Lojban e. The “e” of English “met”.

[e]

• An allowed variant of Lojban e. This sound is not found in English, but is the Spanish "e", or the tense "e" of Italian. The vowel of English “say” is similar except for the off-glide: you can learn to make this sound by holding your tongue steady while saying the first part of the English vowel.

[ə]

• The preferred pronunciation of Lojban y. As in the “a” of English “sofa” or “about”. Schwa is generally unstressed in Lojban, as it is in English. It is a totally relaxed sound made with the tongue in the middle of the mouth.

[f]

• The preferred pronunciation of Lojban f. As in “fee”, “loafer”, or “chef”.

[ɸ]

• An allowed variant of Lojban f. Not an English sound; the Japanese “f” sound.

[g]

• The preferred pronunciation of Lojban g. As in English “go”, “eagle”, or “dog”.

[h]

• The preferred pronunciation of the Lojban apostrophe sound. As in English “aha” or the second "h" in “oh, hello”.

[i]

• The preferred pronunciation of Lojban i. Essentially like the English vowel of “pizza” or “machine”, although the English vowel is sometimes pronounced with an off-glide, which should not be present in Lojban.

[ɪ]

• A possible Lojban buffer vowel. The “i” of English “bit”.

[ɨ]

• A possible Lojban buffer vowel. The “u” of “just” in some varieties of GA, those which make the word sound more or less like “jist”. Also Russian "y" as in "byt'" (to be); like a schwa :[ə], but higher in the mouth.

[j]

• Used in Lojban diphthongs beginning or ending with i. Like the “y” in English “yard” or “say”.

[k]

• The preferred pronunciation of Lojban k. As in English “kill”, “token”, or “flak”.

[l]

• The preferred pronunciation of Lojban l. As in English “low”, “nylon”, or “excel”.

[l̩]

• The syllabic version of Lojban l, as in English “bottle” or “middle”.

[m]

• The preferred pronunciation of Lojban m. As in English “me”, “humor”, or “ham”.

[m̩]

• The syllabic version of Lojban m. As in English “catch 'em” or “bottom”.

[n]

• The preferred pronunciation of Lojban n. As in English no, “honor”, or “son”.

[n̩]

• The syllabic version of Lojban n. As in English “button”.

[ŋ]

• An allowed variant of Lojban n, especially in Lojbanized names and before g or k. As in English “sing” or “singer” (but not “finger” or “danger”).

[ŋ̍]

• An allowed variant of Lojban syllabic n, especially in Lojbanized names.

[o]

• The preferred pronunciation of Lojban o. As in the French "haute (cuisine)" or Spanish "como". There is no exact English equivalent of this sound. The nearest GA equivalent is the “o” of “dough” or “joke”, but it is essential that the off-glide (a :[w]-like sound) at the end of the vowel is not pronounced when speaking Lojban. The RP sound in these words is :[əw] in IPA terms, and has no :[o] in it at all; unless you can speak with a Scots, Irish, or American accent, you may have trouble with this sound.

[ɔ]

• An allowed variant of Lojban o, especially before r. This sound is a shortened form of the “aw” in GA “dawn” (for those people who don't pronounce “dawn” and “Don” alike; if you do, you may have trouble with this sound). In RP, but not GA, it is the “o” of “hot”.

[p]

• The preferred pronunciation of Lojban p. As in English “pay”, “super”, or “up”.

[r]

• One version of Lojban r. Not an English sound. The Spanish "rr" and the Scots “r”, a tongue-tip trill.

[ɹ]

• One version of Lojban r. As in GA “right”, “baron”, or “car”. Not found in RP.

[ɾ]

• One version of Lojban r. In GA, appears as a variant of “t” or “d” in the words “metal” and “medal” respectively. A tongue-tip flap.

[ʀ]

• One version of Lojban r. Not an English sound. The French or German "r" in "reine" or "rot" respectively. A uvular trill.

[r̩],

[ɹ̩],

[ɾ̩],

[ʀ̩]

• are syllabic versions of the above.

[ɹ̩] appears in the GA (but not RP) pronunciation of “bird”.

[s]

• The preferred pronunciation of Lojban s. As in English “so”, “basin”, or “yes”.

[ʃ]

• The preferred pronunciation of Lojban c. The “sh” of English “ship”, “ashen”, or “dish”.

[ʂ]

• An allowed variant of Lojban s. Not an English sound. The Hindi retroflex "s" with dot below, or Klingon "S".

[t]

• The preferred pronunciation of Lojban t. As in English “tea”, “later”, or “not”. It is important to avoid the GA habit of pronouncing the “t” between vowels as :[d] or :[ɾ].

[θ]

• Not normally a Lojban sound, but a possible variant of Lojban '. The “th” of English “thin” (but not “then”).

[v]

• The preferred pronunciation of Lojban v. As in English “voice”, “savor”, or “live”.

[w]

• Used in Lojban diphthongs beginning or ending with u. Like the “w” in English “wet” [wɛt] or “cow” [kɑw].

[x]

• The preferred pronunciation of Lojban x. Not normally an English sound, but used in some pronunciations of “loch” and “Bach”; “gh” in Scots “might” and “night”. The German "Ach-Laut". To pronounce :[x], force air through your throat without vibrating your vocal chords; there should be lots of scrape.

[ʏ]

• A possible Lojban buffer vowel. Not an English sound: the "ü" of German "hübsch".

[z]

• The preferred pronunciation of Lojban z. As in English “zoo”, “hazard”, or “fizz”.

[ʒ]

• The preferred pronunciation of Lojban j. The “si” of English “vision”, or the consonant at the end of GA “garage”.

[ʐ]

• An allowed variant of Lojban z. Not an English sound. The voiced version of :[ʂ].

English Analogues For Lojban Diphthongs

Here is a list of English words that contain diphthongs that are similar to the Lojban diphthongs. This list does not constitute an official pronunciation guide; it is intended as a help to English-speakers. <tab class=wikitable header=true>Lojban English ai “pie” ei “pay” oi “boy” au “cow” ia “yard” ie “yes” ii “ye” io “yodel” (in GA only) iu “unicorn” or “few” ua “suave” ue “wet” ui “we” uo “woe” (in GA only) uu “woo” iy “million” (the “io” part, that is) uy “was” (when unstressed) </tab>

Oddball Orthographies

The following notes describe ways in which Lojban has been written or could be written that differ from the standard orthography explained in the rest of this chapter. Nobody needs to read this section except people with an interest in the obscure. Technicalities are used without explanation or further apology.

There exists an alternative orthography for Lojban, which is designed to be as compatible as possible (but no more so) with the orthography used in pre-Lojban versions of Loglan. The consonants undergo no change, except that x is replaced by h. The individual vowels likewise remain unchanged. However, the vowel pairs and diphthongs are changed as follows:

• ai, ei, oi, au become ai, ei, oi, ao.
• ia through iu and ua through uu remain unchanged.
• a'i, e'i, o'i and a'o become a,i, e,i, o,i and a,o.
• i'a through i'u and u'a through u'u are changed to ia through iu and ua through uu in lujvo and cmavo other than attitudinals, but become i,a through i,u and u,a through u,u in names, fu'ivla, and attitudinal cmavo.
• All other vowel pairs simply drop the apostrophe.

The result of these rules is to eliminate the apostrophe altogether, replacing it with comma where necessary, and otherwise with nothing. In addition, names and the cmavo i are capitalized, and irregular stress is marked with an apostrophe (now no longer used for a sound) following the stressed syllable.

Three points must be emphasized about this alternative orthography:

• It is not standard, and has not been used.
• It does not represent any changes to the standard Lojban phonology; it is simply a representation of the same phonology using a different written form.
• It was designed to aid in a planned rapprochement between the Logical Language Group and The Loglan Institute, a group headed by James Cooke Brown. The rapprochement never took place.

There also exists a Cyrillic orthography for Lojban which was designed when the introductory Lojban brochure was translated into Russian. It uses the “а”, “б”, “в”, “г”, “д”, “е”, “ж”, “з”, “и”, “к”, “л”, “м”, “н”, “о”, “п”, “р”, “с”, “т”, “у”, “ф”, “х”, and “ш” in the obvious ways. The Latin letter “y” is mapped onto the hard sign “ъ”, as in Bulgarian. The apostrophe, comma, and period are unchanged. Diphthongs are written as vowel pairs, as in the Roman representation.

Finally, an orthography using the Tengwar of Féanor, a fictional orthography invented by J. R. R. Tolkien and described in the Appendixes to The Lord Of The Rings, has been devised for Lojban. The following mapping, which closely resembles that used for Westron, will be meaningful only to those who have read those appendixes. In brief, the tincotéma and parmatéma are used in the conventional ways; the calmatéma represents palatal consonants, and the quessetéma represents velar consonants.

tinco

t

calma

-

ando

d

anga

-

thule

-

harma

c

anto

-

anca

j

numen

n

noldo

-

ore

r

anna

i

parma

p

quesse

k

umbar

b

ungwe

g

formen

f

hwesta

x

ampa

v

unque

-

malta

m

nwalme

-

vala

u

vilya

-

The letters "vala" and "anna" are used for u and i only when those letters are used to represent glides. Of the additional letters, r, l, s, and z are written with "rómen", "lambe", "silme", and "áre"/"esse" respectively; the inverted forms are used as free variants.

Lojban, like Quenya, is a vowel-last language, so tehtar are read as following the tengwar on which they are placed. The conventional tehtar are used for the five regular vowels, and the dot below for y. The Lojban apostrophe is represented by "halla". There is no equivalent of the Lojban comma or period.

Basic sentence elements

The concept of the bridi

This chapter gives diagrammed examples of basic Lojban sentence structures. The most general pattern is covered first, followed by successive variations on the basic components of the Lojban sentence. There are many more capabilities not covered in this chapter, but covered in detail in later chapters, so this chapter is a “quick tour” of the material later covered more slowly throughout the book. It also introduces most of the Lojban words used to discuss Lojban grammar.

Let us consider John and Sam and three statements about them:

Example 3.1:

John is the father of Sam.

Example 3.2:

John hits Sam.

Example 3.3:

John is taller than Sam.

These examples all describe relationships between John and Sam. However, in English, we use the noun “father” to describe a static relationship in Example 3.1, the verb “hits” to describe an active relationship in Example 3.2, and the adjective “taller” to describe an attributive relationship in Example 3.3. In Lojban we make no such grammatical distinctions; these three sentences, when expressed in Lojban, are structurally identical. The same part of speech is used to represent the relationship. In formal logic this whole structure is called a “predication”; in Lojban it is called a bridi, and the central part of speech is the selbri. Logicians refer to the things thus related as “arguments”, while Lojbanists call them sumti. These Lojban terms will be used for the rest of the book.

bridi (predicate)
______________|__________________
|                               |
John     is the father of       Sam
|____|    |______________|      |___|
|              |               |
sumti         selbri          sumti (argument)
|CLL-chapter-2-diagram.png}}

In a relationship, there are a definite number of things being related. In English, for example, “give” has three places: the donor, the recipient and the gift. For example:

Example 3.4:

John gives Sam the book.

and

Example 3.5:

Sam gives John the book.

mean two different things because the relative positions of “John” and “Sam” have been switched. Further,

Example 3.6:

The book gives John Sam.

seems strange to us merely because the places are being filled by unorthodox arguments. The relationship expressed by “give” has not changed.

In Lojban, each selbri has a specified number and type of arguments, known collectively as its “place structure”. The simplest kind of selbri consists of a single root word, called a gismu, and the definition in a dictionary gives the place structure explicitly. The primary task of constructing a Lojban sentence, after choosing the relationship itself, is deciding what you will use to fill in the sumti places.

This book uses the Lojban terms bridi, sumti, and selbri, because it is best to come to understand them independently of the English associations of the corresponding words, which are only roughly similar in meaning anyhow.

The Lojban examples in this chapter (but not in the rest of the book) use a single underline (---) under each sumti, and a double underline (===) under each selbri, to help you to tell them apart.

Pronunciation

Detailed pronunciation and spelling rules are given in Chapter 4, but what follows will keep the reader from going too far astray while digesting this chapter.

Lojban has six recognized vowels: a, e, i, o, u and y. The first five are roughly pronounced as “a” as in “father”, e as in “let”, i as in “machine”, o as in “dome” and u as in “flute”. y is pronounced as the sound called “schwa”, that is, as the unstressed “a” as in “about” or “around”.

Twelve consonants in Lojban are pronounced more or less as their counterparts are in English: b, d, f, k, l, m, n, p, r, t, v and z. The letter c, on the other hand is pronounced as the “sh” in “hush”, while j is its voiced counterpart, the sound of the “s” in “pleasure”. g is always pronounced as it is in “gift”, never as in “giant”. s is as in “sell”, never as in “rose”. The sound of x is not found in English in normal words. It is found as "ch" in Scottish "loch", as "j" in Spanish "junta", and as "ch" in German "Bach"; it also appears in the English interjection “yecchh!”. It gets easier to say as you practice it. The letter r can be trilled, but doesn't have to be.

The Lojban diphthongs ai, ei, oi, and au are pronounced much as in the English words “sigh”, “say”, “boy”, and “how”. Other Lojban diphthongs begin with an i pronounced like English “y” (for example, io is pronounced “yo”) or else with a u pronounced like English “w” (for example, ua is pronounced “wa”).

Lojban also has three “semi-letters”: the period, the comma and the apostrophe. The period represents a glottal stop or a pause; it is a required stoppage of the flow of air in the speech stream. The apostrophe sounds just like the English letter “h”. Unlike a regular consonant, it is not found at the beginning or end of a word, nor is it found adjacent to a consonant; it is only found between two vowels. The comma has no sound associated with it, and is used to separate syllables that might ordinarily run together. It is not used in this chapter.

Stress falls on the next to the last syllable of all words, unless that vowel is y, which is never stressed; in such words the third-to-last syllable is stressed. If a word only has one syllable, then that syllable is not stressed.

All Lojban words are pronounced as they are spelled: there are no silent letters.

Words that can act as sumti

Here is a short table of single words used as sumti. This table provides examples only, not the entire set of such words, which may be found in Section 10.15.

mi = '

do = '

ti = '

ta = '

tu = '

zo'e = '

Lojban sumti are not specific as to number (singular or plural), nor gender (masculine/feminine/neutral). Such distinctions can be optionally added by methods that are beyond the scope of this chapter.

The cmavo ti, ta, and tu refer to whatever the speaker is pointing at, and should not be used to refer to things that cannot in principle be pointed at.

Names may also be used as sumti, provided they are preceded with the word la:

la meris.

the one/ones named Mary

la djan.

the one/ones named John

Other Lojban spelling versions are possible for names from other languages, and there are restrictions on which letters may appear in Lojban names: See Section 8.11 for more information.

Some words used to indicate selbri relations

Here is a short table of some words used as Lojban selbri in this chapter:

vecnu = '

tavla = '

sutra = '

blari'o = '

melbi = '

cutci = '

bajra = '

klama = '

pluka = '

gerku = '

kurji = '

kanro = '

stali = '

zarci = '

Each selbri (relation) has a specific rule that defines the role of each sumti in the bridi, based on its position. In the table above, that order was expressed by labeling the sumti positions as x1, x2, x3, x4, and x5.

Like the table in Section 3.3, this table is far from complete: in fact, no complete table can exist, because Lojban allows new words to be created (in specified ways) whenever a speaker or writer finds the existing supply of words inadequate. This notion is a basic difference between Lojban (and some other languages such as German and Chinese) and English; in English, most people are very leery of using words that “aren't in the dictionary”. Lojbanists are encouraged to invent new words; doing so is a major way of participating in the development of the language. Chapter 5 explains how to make new words, and Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch explains how to give them appropriate meanings.

Some simple Lojban bridi

Let's look at a simple Lojban bridi. The place structure of the gismu tavla is

Example 3.7:

x1 talks to x2 about x3 in language x4

where the “x”-es with following numbers represent the various arguments that could be inserted at the given positions in the English sentence. For example:

Example 3.8:

John talks to Sam about engineering in Lojban.

has “John” in the x1 place, “Sam” in the x2 place, “engineering” in the x3 place, and “Lojban” in the x4 place, and could be paraphrased:

Example 3.9:

Talking is going on, with speaker John and listener Sam and subject matter engineering and language Lojban.

The Lojban bridi corresponding to Example 3.7 will have the form

Example 3.10:

x1 cu tavla x2 x3 x4

The word cu serves as a separator between any preceding sumti and the selbri. It can often be omitted, as in the following examples.

Example 3.11:

mi tavla do zo'e zo'e

I talk to you about something in some language.

Example 3.12:

do tavla mi ta zo'e

You talk to me about that thing in a language.

Example 3.13:

mi tavla zo'e tu ti

I talk to someone about that thing yonder in this language.

(Example 3.13 is a bit unusual, as there is no easy way to point to a language; one might point to a copy of this book, and hope the meaning gets across!)

When there are one or more occurrences of the cmavo zo'e at the end of a bridi, they may be omitted, a process called “ellipsis”. Example 3.11 and Example 3.12 may be expressed thus:

Example 3.14:

mi tavla do

I talk to you (about something in some language).

Example 3.15:

do tavla mi ta

You talk to me about that thing (in some language).

Note that Example 3.13 is not subject to ellipsis by this direct method, as the zo'e in it is not at the end of the bridi.

Variant bridi structure

Consider the sentence

Example 3.16:

mi cu vecnu ti ta zo'e

seller-x1 sells goods-sold-x2 buyer-x3 price-x4

I sell this to that for some price.

I sell this-thing/these-things to that-buyer/those-buyers.

(the price is obvious or unimportant)Example 3.16 has one sumti (the x1) before the selbri. It is also possible to put more than one sumti before the selbri, without changing the order of sumti:

Example 3.17:

mi ti cu vecnu ta

seller-x1 goods-sold-x2 sells buyer-x3

I this sell to that.

(translates as stilted or poetic English)

I this thing do sell to that buyer.

Example 3.18:

mi ti ta cu vecnu

seller-x1 goods-sold-x2 buyer-x3 sells

I this to that sell

(translates as stilted or poetic English)

I this thing to that buyer do sell.

Example 3.16 through Example 3.18 mean the same thing. Usually, placing more than one sumti before the selbri is done for style or for emphasis on the sumti that are out-of-place from their normal position. (Native speakers of languages other than English may prefer such orders.)

If there are no sumti before the selbri, then it is understood that the x1 sumti value is equivalent to zo'e; i.e. unimportant or obvious, and therefore not given. Any sumti after the selbri start counting from x2.

Example 3.19:

ta cu melbi

object/idea-x1 is-beautiful

to someone by some standard

That/Those is/are beautiful.

That is beautiful.:Those are beautiful.when the x1 is omitted, becomes:

Example 3.20:

melbi

unspecified-x1 is-beautiful

to someone by some standard

Beautiful!:It's beautiful!

Omitting the x1 adds emphasis to the selbri relation, which has become first in the sentence. This kind of sentence is termed an observative, because it is often used when someone first observes or takes note of the relationship, and wishes to quickly communicate it to someone else. Commonly understood English observatives include “Smoke!” upon seeing smoke or smelling the odor, or “Car!” to a person crossing the street who might be in danger. Any Lojban selbri can be used as an observative if no sumti appear before the selbri.

The word cu does not occur in an observative; cu is a separator, and there must be a sumti before the selbri that needs to be kept separate for cu to be used. With no sumti preceding the selbri, cu is not permitted. Short words like cu which serve grammatical functions are called cmavo in Lojban.

Varying the order of sumti

For one reason or another you may want to change the order, placing one particular sumti at the front of the bridi. The cmavo se, when placed before the last word of the selbri, will switch the meanings of the first and second sumti places. So

Example 3.21:

mi tavla do ti

I talk to you about this.

has the same meaning as

Example 3.22:

do se tavla mi ti

You are talked to by me about this.

The cmavo te, when used in the same location, switches the meanings of the first and the third sumti places.

Example 3.23:

mi tavla do ti

I talk to you about this.has the same meaning as

Example 3.24:

ti te tavla do mi

This is talked about to you by me.

Note that only the first and third sumti have switched places; the second sumti has remained in the second place.

The cmavo ve and xe switch the first and fourth sumti places, and the first and fifth sumti places, respectively. These changes in the order of places are known as “conversions”, and the se, te, ve, and xe cmavo are said to convert the selbri.

More than one of these operators may be used on a given selbri at one time, and in such a case they are evaluated from left to right. However, in practice they are used one at a time, as there are better tools for complex manipulation of the sumti places. See Chapter 6 for details. The effect is similar to what in English is called the “passive voice”. In Lojban, the converted selbri has a new place structure that is renumbered to reflect the place reversal, thus having effects when such a conversion is used in combination with other constructs such as

le selbri [ku] (See Section 3.10).

The basic structure of longer utterances

People don't always say just one sentence. Lojban has a specific structure for talk or writing that is longer than one sentence. The entirety of a given speech event or written text is called an utterance. The sentences (usually, but not always, bridi) in an utterance are separated by the cmavo ni'o and i. These correspond to a brief pause (or nothing at all) in spoken English, and the various punctuation marks like period, question mark, and exclamation mark in written English. These separators prevent the sumti at the beginning of the next sentence from being mistaken for a trailing sumti of the previous sentence.

The cmavo ni'o separates paragraphs (covering different topics of discussion). In a long text or utterance, the topical structure of the text may be indicated by multiple ni'o s, with perhaps

ni'oni'oni'o used to indicate a chapter,

ni'oni'o to indicate a section, and a single ni'o to indicate a subtopic corresponding to a single English paragraph.

The cmavo i separates sentences. It is sometimes compounded with words that modify the exact meaning (the semantics) of the sentence in the context of the utterance. (The cmavo xu, discussed in Section 3.15, is one such word – it turns the sentence from a statement to a question about truth.) When more than one person is talking, a new speaker will usually omit the i even though she/he may be continuing on the same topic.

It is still O.K. for a new speaker to say the i before continuing; indeed, it is encouraged for maximum clarity (since it is possible that the second speaker might merely be adding words onto the end of the first speaker's sentence). A good translation for i is the “and” used in run-on sentences when people are talking informally: “I did this, and then I did that, and ..., and ...”.

tanru

When two gismu are adjacent, the first one modifies the second, and the selbri takes its place structure from the rightmost word. Such combinations of gismu are called tanru. For example,

Example 3.25:

sutra tavla

has the place structure

Example 3.26:

x1 is a fast type-of talker to x2 about x3 in language x4

x1 talks fast to x2 about x3 in language x4

When three or more gismu are in a row, the first modifies the second, and that combined meaning modifies the third, and that combined meaning modifies the fourth, and so on. For example

Example 3.27:

sutra tavla cutci

has the place structure

Example 3.28:

s1 is a fast-talker type of shoe worn by s2 of material s3

That is, it is a shoe that is worn by a fast talker rather than a shoe that is fast and is also worn by a talker.

Note especially the use of “type-of” as a mechanism for connecting the English translations of the two or more gismu; this convention helps the learner understand each tanru in its context. Creative interpretations are also possible, however:

Example 3.29:

bajra cutci

runner shoe

most probably refers to shoes suitable for runners, but might be interpreted in some imaginative instances as “shoes that run (by themselves?)”. In general, however, the meaning of a tanru is determined by the literal meaning of its components, and not by any connotations or figurative meanings. Thus

Example 3.30:

sutra tavla

fast-talker

would not necessarily imply any trickery or deception, unlike the English idiom, and a

Example 3.31:

jikca toldi

social butterfly

must always be an insect with large brightly-colored wings, of the family Lepidoptera.

The place structure of a tanru is always that of the final component of the tanru. Thus, the following has the place structure of klama:

Example 3.32:

mi cu sutra klama la meris.

I quickly-go to Mary.

With the conversion se klama as the final component of the tanru, the place structure of the entire selbri is that of se klama: the x1 place is the destination, and the x2 place is the one who goes:

Example 3.33:

mi cu sutra se klama la meris.

I quickly am-gone-to by Mary.

The following example shows that there is more to conversion than merely switching places, though:

Example 3.34:

la tam. cu melbi tavla la meris.

Tom beautifully-talks to Mary.

Tom is a beautiful-talker to Mary.

has the place structure of tavla, but note the two distinct interpretations. Now, using conversion, we can modify the place structure order:

Example 3.35:

la meris. cu melbi se tavla la tam.

Mary is beautifully-talked-to by Tom.

Mary is a beautiful-audience for Tom.

and we see that the modification has been changed so as to focus on Mary's role in the bridi relationship, leading to a different set of possible interpretations.Note that there is no place structure change if the modifying term is converted, and so less drastic variation in possible meanings:

Example 3.36:

la tam. cu tavla melbi la meris.

Tom is talkerly-beautiful to Mary.

Example 3.37:

la tam. cu se tavla melbi la meris.

Tom is audiencely-beautiful to Mary.

and we see that the manner in which Tom is seen as beautiful by Mary changes, but Tom is still the one perceived as beautiful, and Mary, the observer of beauty.

Description sumti

Often we wish to talk about things other than the speaker, the listener and things we can point to. Let's say I want to talk about a talker other than mi. What I want to talk about would naturally fit into the first place of tavla. Lojban, it turns out, has an operator that pulls this first place out of a selbri and converts it to a sumti called a “description sumti”. The description sumti

le tavla ku means “the talker”, and may be used wherever any sumti may be used.

For example,

Example 3.38:

mi tavla do le tavla [ku]

means the same as

Example 3.39:

I talk to you about the talker.

where “the talker” is presumably someone other than me, though not necessarily.

Similarly

le sutra tavla ku is

“the fast talker”, and

le sutra te tavla ku is

“the fast subject of talk” or

“the subject of fast talk”.

Which of these related meanings is understood will depend on the context in which the expression is used. The most plausible interpretation within the context will generally be assumed by a listener to be the intended one.

In many cases the word ku may be omitted. In particular, it is never necessary in a description at the end of a sentence, so:

Example 3.40:

mi tavla do le tavla

I talk-to you about-the talker

means exactly the same thing as Example 3.38.

There is a problem when we want to say “The fast one is talking.” The “obvious” translation le sutra tavla turns out to mean “the fast talker”, and has no selbri at all. To solve this problem we can use the word cu, which so far has always been optional, in front of the selbri.

The word cu has no meaning, and exists only to mark the beginning of the selbri within the bridi, separating it from a previous sumti. It comes before any other part of the selbri, including other cmavo like se or te. Thus:

Example 3.41:

le sutra tavla

The fast talker

Example 3.42:

le sutra cu tavla

The fast one is talking.

Example 3.43::le sutra se tavla

The fast talked-to one

Example 3.44:

le sutra cu se tavla

The fast one is talked to.

Consider the following more complex example, with two description sumti.

Example 3.45:

mi cu tavla le vecnu ku le blari'o ku

I talk-to the seller about the blue-green-thing.

The sumti le vecnu contains the selbri vecnu, which has the “seller” in the x1 place, and uses it in this sentence to describe a particular “seller” that the speaker has in mind (one that he or she probably expects the listener will also know about). Similarly, the speaker has a particular blue-green thing in mind, which is described using le to mark blari'o, a selbri whose first sumti is something blue-green.

It is safe to omit both occurrences of ku in Example 3.45, and it is also safe to omit the cu.

Examples of brivla

The simplest form of selbri is an individual word. A word which may by itself express a selbri relation is called a brivla. The three types of brivla are gismu (root words), lujvo (compounds), and fu'ivla (borrowings from other languages). All have identical grammatical uses. So far, most of our selbri have been gismu or tanru built from gismu.

gismu:

Example 3.46:

mi cu klama ti zo'e zo'e ta

Go-er goes destination origin route means.

I go here (to this) using that means (from somewhere via some route). lujvo:

Example 3.47:

ta cu blari'o

That is-blue-green.

fu'ivla:

Example 3.48:

ti cu djarspageti

This is-spaghetti.

Some cmavo may also serve as selbri, acting as variables that stand for another selbri. The most commonly used of these is go'i, which represents the main bridi of the previous Lojban sentence, with any new sumti or other sentence features being expressed replacing the previously expressed ones. Thus, in this context:

Example 3.49:

ta cu go'i

That too/same-as-last selbri.

That (is spaghetti), too.

The sumti di'u and la'e di'u

In English, I might say “The dog is beautiful”, and you might reply “This pleases me.” How do you know what “this” refers to? Lojban uses different expressions to convey the possible meanings of the English:

Example 3.50:

le gerku ku cu melbi

The dog is beautiful.The following three sentences all might translate as “This pleases me.”

Example 3.51:

ti cu pluka mi

This (the dog) pleases me.

Example 3.52:

di'u cu pluka mi

This (the last sentence) pleases me (perhaps because it is grammatical or sounds nice).

Example 3.53:

la'e di'u cu pluka mi

This (the meaning of the last sentence; i.e. that the dog is beautiful) pleases me. Example 3.53 uses one sumti to point to or refer to another by inference. It is common to write la'edi'u as a single word; it is used more often than di'u by itself.

Possession

“Possession” refers to the concept of specifying an object by saying who it belongs to (or with). A full explanation of Lojban possession is given in Chapter 12. A simple means of expressing possession, however, is to place a sumti representing the possessor of an object within the description sumti that refers to the object: specifically, between the le and the selbri of the description:

Example 3.54:

le mi gerku cu sutra

The of-me dog is fast.

My dog is fast.

In Lojban, possession doesn't necessarily mean ownership: one may “possess” a chair simply by sitting on it, even though it actually belongs to someone else. English uses possession casually in the same way, but also uses it to refer to actual ownership or even more intimate relationships: “my arm” doesn't mean “some arm I own” but rather “the arm that is part of my body”. Lojban has methods of specifying all these different kinds of possession precisely and easily.

Vocatives and commands

You may call someone's attention to the fact that you are addressing them by using doi followed by their name. The sentence

Example 3.55:

doi djan.

means “Oh, John, I'm talking to you”. It also has the effect of setting the value of do; do now refers to “John” until it is changed in some way in the conversation. Note that Example 3.55 is not a bridi, but it is a legitimate Lojban sentence nevertheless; it is known as a “vocative phrase”.

Other cmavo can be used instead of doi in a vocative phrase, with a different significance. For example, the cmavo coi means “hello” and co'o means “good-bye”. Either word may stand alone, they may follow one another, or either may be followed by a pause and a name. (Vocative phrases with doi do not need a pause before the name.)

Example 3.56:

coi. djan.

Hello, John.

Example 3.57:

co'o. djan.

Good-bye, John.

Commands are expressed in Lojban by a simple variation of the main bridi structure. If you say

Example 3.58:

do tavla

You are-talking.

you are simply making a statement of fact. In order to issue a command in Lojban, substitute the word ko for do. The bridi

Example 3.59:

ko tavla instructs the listener to do whatever is necessary to make Example 3.58 true; it means “Talk!” Other examples:

Example 3.60:

ko sutra

Be fast!

The ko need not be in the x1 place, but rather can occur anywhere a sumti is allowed, leading to possible Lojban commands that are very unlike English commands:

Example 3.61:

mi tavla ko

Be talked to by me.:Let me talk to you.The cmavo ko can fill any appropriate sumti place, and can be used as often as is appropriate for the selbri:

Example 3.62:

ko kurji koand

Example 3.63:

ko ko kurjiboth mean “You take care of you” and “Be taken care of by you”, or to put it colloquially, “Take care of yourself”.

Questions

There are many kinds of questions in Lojban: full explanations appear in Section and in various other chapters throughout the book. In this chapter, we will introduce three kinds: sumti questions, selbri questions, and yes/no questions.

The cmavo ma is used to create a sumti question: it indicates that the speaker wishes to know the sumti which should be placed at the location of the ma to make the bridi true. It can be translated as “Who?” or “What?” in most cases, but also serves for “When?”, “Where?”, and “Why?” when used in sumti places that express time, location, or cause. For example:

Example 3.64:

ma tavla do mi

Who? talks to-you about-me.

Who is talking to you about me?The listener can reply by simply stating a sumti:

Example 3.65:: la djan.

John (is talking to you about me).Like ko, ma can occur in any position where a sumti is allowed, not just in the first position:

Example 3.66:

do cu tavla ma

You talk to what/whom?

A ma can also appear in multiple sumti positions in one sentence, in effect asking several questions at once.

Example 3.67:

ma cu tavla ma

What/Who talks to what/whom?

The two separate ma positions ask two separate questions, and can therefore be answered with different values in each sumti place. The cmavo mo is the selbri analogue of ma. It asks the respondent to provide a selbri that would be a true relation if inserted in place of the mo:

Example 3.68:

do cu mo

You are-what/do-what?

A mo may be used anywhere a brivla or other selbri might. Keep this in mind for later examples. Unfortunately, by itself, mo is a very non-specific question. The response to the question in Example 3.68 could be:

Example 3.69:

mi cu melbi

I am beautiful.or:

Example 3.70:

mi cu tavla

I talk.

Clearly, mo requires some cooperation between the speaker and the respondent to ensure that the right question is being answered. If context doesn't make the question specific enough, the speaker must ask the question more specifically using a more complex construction such as a tanru (See Section 3.9).

It is perfectly permissible for the respondent to fill in other unspecified places in responding to a mo question. Thus, the respondent in Example 3.70 could have also specified an audience, a topic, and/or a language in the response.

Finally, we must consider questions that can be answered “Yes” or “No”, such as

Example 3.71:

Are you talking to me?

Like all yes-or-no questions in English, Example 3.71 may be reformulated as

Example 3.72:

Is it true that you are talking to me?

In Lojban we have a word that asks precisely that question in precisely the same way. The cmavo xu, when placed in front of a bridi, asks whether that bridi is true as stated. So

Example 3.73:

xu do tavla mi

Is-it-true-that you are-talking to-me?

is the Lojban translation of Example 3.71. The answer “Yes” may be given by simply restating the bridi without the xu question word. Lojban has a shorthand for doing this with the word go'i, mentioned in Section 3.11. Instead of a negative answer, the bridi may be restated in such a way as to make it true. If this can be done by substituting sumti, it may be done with go'i as well. For example:

Example 3.74:

xu do kanro

Are you healthy?

can be answered with

Example 3.75:

mi kanro

I am healthy.or

Example 3.76:

go'i

I am healthy.(Note that do to the questioner is mi to the respondent.)or

Example 3.77:

le tavla cu kanro

The talker is healthy.or

Example 3.78:

le tavla cu go'i

The talker is healthy. A general negative answer may be given by na go'i. na may be placed before any selbri (but after the cu). It is equivalent to stating “It is not true that ...” before the bridi. It does not imply that anything else is true or untrue, only that that specific bridi is not true. More details on negative statements are available in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch.

Indicators

Different cultures express emotions and attitudes with a variety of intonations and gestures that are not usually included in written language. Some of these are available in some languages as interjections (i.e. Aha!, Oh no!, Ouch!, Aahh!, etc.), but they vary greatly from culture to culture.</para>

Lojban has a group of cmavo known as “attitudinal indicators” which specifically covers this type of commentary on spoken statements. They are both written and spoken, but require no specific intonation or gestures. Grammatically they are very simple: one or more attitudinals at the beginning of a bridi apply to the entire bridi; anywhere else in the bridi they apply to the word immediately to the left. For example:

Example 3.79:

.ie mi cu klama

Agreement! I go.

Yep! I'll go.

Example 3.80:

.ei mi cu klama

Obligation! I go.

I should go.

Example 3.81:

mi cu klama le melbi .ui ku

I go to-the beautiful-thing and I am happy because it is the beautiful thing I'm going to

Not all indicators indicate attitudes. Discursives, another group of cmavo with the same grammatical rules as attitudinal indicators, allow free expression of certain kinds of commentary about the main utterances. Using discursives allows a clear separation of these so-called “metalinguistic” features from the underlying statements and logical structure. By comparison, the English words “but” and “also”, which discursively indicate contrast or an added weight of example, are logically equivalent to “and”, which does not have a discursive content. The average English-speaker does not think about, and may not even realize, the paradoxical idea that “but” basically means “and”.

Example 3.82:

mi cu klama .i do cu stali

I go. [[:Category:|]] You stay.

Example 3.83:

mi cu klama .i ji'a do cu stali

I go. [[:Category:|]]In addition, you stay. added weight

Example 3.84:

mi cu klama .i ku'i do cu stali

I go. However, you stay.contrast

Another group of indicators are called “evidentials”. Evidentials show the speaker's relationship to the statement, specifically how the speaker came to make the statement. These include za'a (I directly observe the relationship), pe'i (I believe that the relationship holds), ru'a (I postulate the relationship), and others. Many American Indian languages use this kind of words.

Example 3.85:

pe'i do cu melbi

I opine! You are beautiful.

Example 3.86:

za'a do cu melbi

I directly observe! You are beautiful.

Tenses

In English, every verb is tagged for the grammatical category called tense: past, present, or future. The sentence

Example 3.87:

John went to the store

necessarily happens at some time in the past, whereas

Example 3.88:

John is going to the store

is necessarily happening right now.

The Lojban sentence

Example 3.89:

la djan. cu klama le zarci

John goes/went/will-go to-the store

serves as a translation of either Example 3.87 or Example 3.88, and of many other possible English sentences as well. It is not marked for tense, and can refer to an event in the past, the present or the future. This rule does not mean that Lojban has no way of representing the time of an event. A close translation of Example 3.87 would be:

Example 3.90:

la djan. pu klama le zarci

John [[:Category:[past]|[past]]] goes to-the store

where the tag pu forces the sentence to refer to a time in the past. Similarly,

Example 3.91:

la djan. ca klama le zarci

John [[:Category:[present]|[present]]] goes to-the store

necessarily refers to the present, because of the tag ca. Tags used in this way always appear at the very beginning of the selbri, just after the cu, and they may make a cu unnecessary, since tags cannot be absorbed into tanru. Such tags serve as an equivalent to English tenses and adverbs. In Lojban, tense information is completely optional. If unspecified, the appropriate tense is picked up from context. Lojban also extends the notion of “tense” to refer not only to time but to space. The following example uses the tag vu to specify that the event it describes happens far away from the speaker:

Example 3.92:

do vu vecnu zo'e

You yonder sell something-unspecified.

In addition, tense tags (either for time or space) can be prefixed to the selbri of a description, producing a tensed sumti:

Example 3.93:

le pu bajra ku cu tavla

The earlier/former/past runner talked/talks.

(Since Lojban tense is optional, we don't know when he or she talks.)Tensed sumti with space tags correspond roughly to the English use of “this” or “that” as adjectives, as in the following example, which uses the tag vi meaning “nearby”:

Example 3.94:

le vi bajra ku cu tavla

The nearby runner talks.

This runner talks.

Do not confuse the use of vi in Example 3.94 with the cmavo ti, which also means “this”, but in the sense of “this thing”.

Furthermore, a tense tag can appear both on the selbri and within a description, as in the following example (where ba is the tag for future time):

Example 3.95:

le vi tavla ku cu ba klama

The here talker [future] goes.

The talker who is here will go.:This talker will go.

Lojban grammatical terms

Here is a review of the Lojban grammatical terms used in this chapter, plus some others used throughout this book. Only terms that are themselves Lojban words are included: there are of course many expressions like “indicator” in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch that are not explained here. See the Index for further help with these.

bridi

• predication; the basic unit of Lojban expression; the main kind of Lojban sentence; a claim that some objects stand in some relationship, or that some single object has some property.

sumti

• argument; words identifying something which stands in a specified relationship to something else, or which has a specified property. See Chapter 8.

selbri:

• logical predicate; the core of a bridi; the word or words specifying the relationship between the objects referred to by the sumti. See Chapter 6.

cmavo:

• one of the Lojban parts of speech; a short word; a structural word; a word used for its grammatical function.

brivla:

• one of the Lojban parts of speech; a content word; a predicate word; can function as a selbri; is a gismu, a lujvo, or a fu'ivla. See

Chapter 5.

gismu:

• a root word; a kind of brivla; has associated rafsi. See Chapter 5.

lujvo:

• a compound word; a kind of brivla; may or may not appear in a dictionary; does not have associated rafsi. See Chapter 5 and Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch.

fu'ivla:

• a borrowed word; a kind of brivla; may or may not appear in a dictionary; copied in a modified form from some non-Lojban language; usually refers to some aspect of culture or the natural world; does not have associated rafsi. See

Chapter 5.

rafsi:

• a word fragment; one or more is associated with each gismu; can be assembled according to rules in order to make lujvo; not a valid word by itself. See Chapter 5.

tanru:

• a group of two or more brivla, possibly with associated cmavo, that form a selbri; always divisible into two parts, with the first part modifying the meaning of the second part (which is taken to be basic). See Chapter 6.

selma'o:

• a group of cmavo that have the same grammatical use (can appear interchangeably in sentences, as far as the grammar is concerned) but differ in meaning or other usage. See Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch.

Morphology

Introductory

Morphology is the part of grammar that deals with the form of words. Lojban's morphology is fairly simple compared to that of many languages, because Lojban words don't change form depending on how they are used. English has only a small number of such changes compared to languages like Russian, but it does have changes like “boys” as the plural of “boy”, or “walked” as the past-tense form of “walk”. To make plurals or past tenses in Lojban, you add separate words to the sentence that express the number of boys, or the time when the walking was going on.

However, Lojban does have what is called “derivational morphology”: the capability of building new words from old words. In addition, the form of words tells us something about their grammatical uses, and sometimes about the means by which they entered the language. Lojban has very orderly rules for the formation of words of various types, both the words that already exist and new words yet to be created by speakers and writers.

A stream of Lojban sounds can be uniquely broken up into its component words according to specific rules. These so-called “morphology rules” are summarized in this chapter. (However, a detailed algorithm for breaking sounds into words has not yet been fully debugged, and so is not presented in this book.) First, here are some conventions used to talk about groups of Lojban letters, including vowels and consonants.

• V represents any single Lojban vowel except y; that is, it represents a, e, i, o, or u.
• VV represents either a diphthong, one of the following:
  • 'ai'
  • 'ei'
  • 'oi'
  • 'au'

  or a two-syllable vowel pair with an apostrophe separating the vowels, one of the following:

  • 'a'a'
  • 'a'e'
  • 'a'i'
  • 'a'o'
  • 'a'u'
  • 'e'a'
  • 'e'e'
  • 'e'i'
  • 'e'o'
  • 'e'u'
  • 'i'a'
  • 'i'e'
  • 'i'i'
  • 'i'o'
  • 'i'u'
  • 'o'a'
  • 'o'e'
  • 'o'i'
  • 'o'o'
  • 'o'u'
  • 'u'a'
  • 'u'e'
  • 'u'i'
  • 'u'o'
  • 'u'u'
• C represents a single Lojban consonant, not including the apostrophe, one of
• b
• c
• d
• f
• g
• j
• k
• l
• m
• n
• p
• r
• s
• t
• v
• x
• or z.

Syllabic l, m, n, and r always count as consonants for the purposes of this chapter.

• CC represents two adjacent consonants of type C which constitute one of the 48 permissible initial consonant pairs:

bl br
cf ck cl cm cn cp cr ct
dj dr dz
fl fr
gl gr
jb jd jg jm jv
kl kr
ml mr
pl pr
sf sk sl sm sn sp sr st
tc tr ts
vl vr 
xl xr
zb zd zg zm zv

• C/C represents two adjacent consonants which constitute one of the permissible consonant pairs (not necessarily a permissible initial consonant pair). The permissible consonant pairs are explained in Section 2.3. In brief, any consonant pair is permissible unless it: contains two identical letters, contains both a voiced (excluding r, l, m, n) and an unvoiced consonant, or is one of certain specified forbidden pairs.
• C/CC represents a consonant triple. The first two consonants must constitute a permissible consonant pair; the last two consonants must constitute a permissible initial consonant pair.

Lojban has three basic word classes – parts of speech – in contrast to the eight that are traditional in English. These three classes are called cmavo, brivla, and cmene. Each of these classes has uniquely identifying properties – an arrangement of letters that allows the word to be uniquely and unambiguously recognized as a separate word in a string of Lojban, upon either reading or hearing, and as belonging to a specific word-class.

They are also functionally different: cmavo are the structure words, corresponding to English words like “and”, “if”, “the” and “to”; brivla are the content words, corresponding to English words like “come”, “red”, “doctor”, and “freely”; cmene are proper names, corresponding to English “James”, “Afghanistan”, and “Pope John Paul II”.

cmavo

The first group of Lojban words discussed in this chapter are the cmavo. They are the structure words that hold the Lojban language together. They often have no semantic meaning in themselves, though they may affect the semantics of brivla to which they are attached. The cmavo include the equivalent of English articles, conjunctions, prepositions, numbers, and punctuation marks. There are over a hundred subcategories of cmavo, known as selma'o, each having a specifically defined grammatical usage. The various selma'o are discussed throughout Chapter 6 to Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch and summarized in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch.

Standard cmavo occur in four forms defined by their word structure. Here are some examples of the various forms: <tab class=wikitable header=true> V-form .a .e .i .o .u CV-form ba ce di fo gu VV-form .au .ei .ia o'u u'e CVV-form ki'a pei mi'o coi cu'u </tab> In addition, there is the cmavo .y. (remember that y is not a V), which must have pauses before and after it.

A simple cmavo thus has the property of having only one or two vowels, or of having a single consonant followed by one or two vowels. Words consisting of three or more vowels in a row, or a single consonant followed by three or more vowels, are also of cmavo form, but are reserved for experimental use: a few examples are

ku'a'e,

sau'e, and

bai'ai. All CVV cmavo beginning with the letter x are also reserved for experimental use. In general, though, the form of a cmavo tells you little or nothing about its grammatical use.

“Experimental use” means that the language designers will not assign any standard meaning or usage to these words, and words and usages coined by Lojban speakers will not appear in official dictionaries for the indefinite future. Experimental-use words provide an escape hatch for adding grammatical mechanisms (as opposed to semantic concepts) the need for which was not foreseen.

The cmavo of VV-form include not only the diphthongs and vowel pairs listed in Section , but also the following ten additional diphthongs:

• .ia
• .ie
• .ii
• .io
• .iu
• .ua
• .ue
• .ui
• .uo
• .uu

In addition, cmavo can have the form Cy, a consonant followed by the letter y. These cmavo represent letters of the Lojban alphabet, and are discussed in detail in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch.

Compound cmavo are sequences of cmavo attached together to form a single written word. A compound cmavo is always identical in meaning and in grammatical use to the separated sequence of simple cmavo from which it is composed. These words are written in compound form merely to save visual space, and to ease the reader's burden in identifying when the component cmavo are acting together.

Compound cmavo, while not visually short like their components, can be readily identified by two characteristics:

• They have no consonant pairs or clusters, and
• They end in a vowel.

For example:

.iseci'i

.i se ci'i

punaijecanai]}

cc

ki'e.u'e

ki'e .u'e

The cmavo u'e begins with a vowel, and like all words beginning with a vowel, requires a pause (represented by .) before it. This pause cannot be omitted simply because the cmavo is incorporated into a compound cmavo. On the other hand,

ki'e'u'e

is a single cmavo reserved for experimental purposes: it has four vowels.

cy.ibu.abu

cy. .ibu .abu

Again the pauses are required (See Section 5.8); the pause after cy. merges with the pause before .ibu.

There is no particular stress required in cmavo or their compounds. Some conventions do exist that are not mandatory. For two-syllable cmavo, for example, stress is typically placed on the first vowel; an example is

.e'o ko ko kurji

.E'o ko ko KURji

This convention results in a consistent rhythm to the language, since brivla are required to have penultimate stress; some find this esthetically pleasing.

If the final syllable of one word is stressed, and the first syllable of the next word is stressed, you must insert a pause or glottal stop between the two stressed syllables. Thus

le re nanmu

can be optionally pronounced

le RE. NANmu

since there are no rules forcing stress on either of the first two words; the stress on re, though, demands that a pause separate re from the following syllable

nan to ensure that the stress on

nan is properly heard as a stressed syllable. The alternative pronunciation

LE re NANmu

is also valid; this would apply secondary stress (used for purposes of emphasis, contrast or sentence rhythm) to le, comparable in rhythmical effect to the English phrase “THE two men”. In Example , the secondary stress on re would be similar to that in the English phrase “the TWO men”.

Both cmavo may also be left unstressed, thus:

le re NANmu

This would probably be the most common usage.

brivla

Predicate words, called brivla, are at the core of Lojban. They carry most of the semantic information in the language. They serve as the equivalent of English nouns, verbs, adjectives, and adverbs, all in a single part of speech.

Every brivla belongs to one of three major subtypes. These subtypes are defined by the form, or morphology, of the word – all words of a particular structure can be assigned by sight or sound to a particular type (cmavo, brivla, or cmene) and subtype. Knowing the type and subtype then gives you, the reader or listener, significant clues to the meaning and the origin of the word, even if you have never heard the word before.

The same principle allows you, when speaking or writing, to invent new brivla for new concepts “on the fly”; yet it offers people that you are trying to communicate with a good chance to figure out your meaning. In this way, Lojban has a flexible vocabulary which can be expanded indefinitely.

All brivla have the following properties:

• always end in a vowel;
• always contain a consonant pair in the first five letters, where y and apostrophe are not counted as letters for this purpose (See Section 5.5.);
• always are stressed on the next-to-the-last (penultimate) syllable; this implies that they have two or more syllables.

The presence of a consonant pair distinguishes brivla from cmavo and their compounds. The final vowel distinguishes brivla from cmene, which always end in a consonant. Thus

da'amei must be a compound cmavo because it lacks a consonant pair; lojban. must be a name because it lacks a final vowel.

Thus, bisycla has the consonant pair sc in the first five non- y letters even though the sc actually appears in the form of sy.. Similarly, the word ro'inre'o contains nr in the first five letters because the apostrophes are not counted for this purpose.

The three subtypes of brivla are:

• gismu, the Lojban primitive roots from which all other brivla are built;
• lujvo, the compounds of two or more gismu; and
• fu'ivla (literally “copy-word”), the specialized words that are not Lojban primitives or natural compounds, and are therefore borrowed from other languages.

gismu

The gismu, or Lojban root words, are those brivla representing concepts most basic to the language. The gismu were chosen for various reasons: some represent concepts that are very familiar and basic; some represent concepts that are frequently used in other languages; some were added because they would be helpful in constructing more complex words; some because they represent fundamental Lojban concepts (like cmavo and gismu themselves).

The gismu do not represent any sort of systematic partitioning of semantic space. Some gismu may be superfluous, or appear for historical reasons: the gismu list was being collected for almost 35 years and was only weeded out once. Instead, the intention is that the gismu blanket semantic space: they make it possible to talk about the entire range of human concerns.

There are about 1350 gismu. In learning Lojban, you need only to learn most of these gismu and their combining forms (known as rafsi) as well as perhaps 200 major cmavo, and you will be able to communicate effectively in the language. This may sound like a lot, but it is a small number compared to the vocabulary needed for similar communications in other languages.

All gismu have very strong form restrictions. Using the conventions defined in Section , all gismu are of the forms CVC/CV or CCVCV. They must meet the rules for all brivla given in Section 5.2; furthermore, they:

• always have five letters;
• always start with a consonant and end with a single vowel;
• always contain exactly one consonant pair, which is a permissible initial pair (CC) if it's at the beginning of the gismu, but otherwise only has to be a permissible pair (C/C);
• are always stressed on the first syllable (since that is penultimate).

The five letter length distinguishes gismu from lujvo and fu'ivla. In addition, no gismu contains '.

With the exception of five special brivla variables, broda, brode, brodi, brodo, and brodu, no two gismu differ only in the final vowel. Furthermore, the set of gismu was specifically designed to reduce the likelihood that two similar sounding gismu could be confused. For example, because gismu is in the set of gismu, kismu, xismu, gicmu, gizmu, and gisnu cannot be.

Almost all Lojban gismu are constructed from pieces of words drawn from other languages, specifically Chinese, English, Hindi, Spanish, Russian, and Arabic, the six most widely spoken natural languages. For a given concept, words in the six languages that represent that concept were written in Lojban phonetics. Then a gismu was selected to maximize the recognizability of the Lojban word for speakers of the six languages by weighting the inclusion of the sounds drawn from each language by the number of speakers of that language. See Section 5.13 for a full explanation of the algorithm.

Here are a few examples of gismu, with rough English equivalents (not definitions):

creka

shirt

lijda

religion

blanu

blue

mamta

mother

cukta

book

patfu

father

nanmu

man

ninmu

woman

A small number of gismu were formed differently; See Section 5.14 for a list.

lujvo

When specifying a concept that is not found among the gismu (or, more specifically, when the relevant gismu seems too general in meaning), a Lojbanist generally attempts to express the concept as a tanru. Lojban tanru are an elaboration of the concept of “metaphor” used in English. In Lojban, any brivla can be used to modify another brivla. The first of the pair modifies the second. This modification is usually restrictive – the modifying brivla reduces the broader sense of the modified brivla to form a more narrow, concrete, or specific concept. Modifying brivla may thus be seen as acting like English adverbs or adjectives. For example,

skami pilno

is the tanru which expresses the concept of “computer user”.

The simplest Lojban tanru are pairings of two concepts or ideas. Such tanru take two simpler ideas that can be represented by gismu and combine them into a single more complex idea. Two-part tanru may then be recombined in pairs with other tanru, or with individual gismu, to form more complex or more specific ideas, and so on.

The meaning of a tanru is usually at least partly ambiguous:

skami pilno could refer to a computer that is a user, or to a user of computers. There are a variety of ways that the modifier component can be related to the modified component. It is also possible to use cmavo within tanru to provide variations (or to prevent ambiguities) of meaning.

Making tanru is essentially a poetic or creative act, not a science. While the syntax expressing the grouping relationships within tanru is unambiguous, tanru are still semantically ambiguous, since the rules defining the relationships between the gismu are flexible. The process of devising a new tanru is dealt with in detail in Chapter 6.

To express a simple tanru, simply say the component gismu together. Thus the binary metaphor “big boat” becomes the tanru

barda bloti

representing roughly the same concept as the English word “ship”.

The binary metaphor “father mother” can refer to a paternal grandmother ( “a father-ly type of mother”), while “mother father” can refer to a maternal grandfather ( “a mother-ly type of father”). In Lojban, these become the tanru

patfu mamta

and

mamta patfu

respectively.

The possibility of semantic ambiguity can easily be seen in the last case. To interpret Example , the listener must determine what type of motherliness pertains to the father being referred to. In an appropriate context,

mamta patfu could mean not “grandfather” but simply “father with some motherly attributes”, depending on the culture. If absolute clarity is required, there are ways to expand upon and explain the exact interrelationship between the components; but such detail is usually not needed.

When a concept expressed in a tanru proves useful, or is frequently expressed, it is desirable to choose one of the possible meanings of the tanru and assign it to a new brivla. For Example , we would probably choose “user of computers”, and form the new word

sampli

Such a brivla, built from the rafsi which represent its component words, is called a lujvo. Another example, corresponding to the tanru of Example , would be:

bralo'i

big-boat

ship

The lujvo representing a given tanru is built from units representing the component gismu. These units are called rafsi in Lojban. Each rafsi represents only one gismu. The rafsi are attached together in the order of the words in the tanru, occasionally inserting so-called “hyphen” letters to ensure that the pieces stick together as a single word and cannot accidentally be broken apart into cmavo, gismu, or other word forms. As a result, each lujvo can be readily and accurately recognized, allowing a listener to pick out the word from a string of spoken Lojban, and if necessary, unambiguously decompose the word to a unique source tanru, thus providing a strong clue to its meaning.

The lujvo that can be built from the tanru

mamta patfu in Example is

mampa'u

which refers specifically to the concept “maternal grandfather”. The two gismu that constitute the tanru are represented in mampa'u by the rafsi mam- and -pa'u, respectively; these two rafsi are then concatenated together to form mampa'u.

Like gismu, lujvo have only one meaning. When a lujvo is formally entered into a dictionary of the language, a specific definition will be assigned based on one particular interrelationship between the terms. (See Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch for how this has been done.) Unlike gismu, lujvo may have more than one form. This is because there is no difference in meaning between the various rafsi for a gismu when they are used to build a lujvo. A long rafsi may be used, especially in noisy environments, in place of a short rafsi; the result is considered the same lujvo, even though the word is spelled and pronounced differently. Thus the word brivla, built from the tanru :bridi valsi, is the same lujvo as brivalsi, bridyvla, and bridyvalsi, each of which uses a different combination of rafsi.

When assembling rafsi together into lujvo, the rules for valid brivla must be followed: a consonant cluster must occur in the first five letters (excluding y and '), and the lujvo must end in a vowel.

A y (which is ignored in determining stress or consonant clusters) is inserted in the middle of the consonant cluster to glue the word together when the resulting cluster is either not permissible or the word is likely to break up. There are specific rules describing these conditions, detailed in Section 5.5.

An r (in some cases, an n) is inserted when a CVV-form rafsi attaches to the beginning of a lujvo in such a way that there is no consonant cluster. For example, in the lujvo

soirsai

sonci sanmi

soldier meal

field rations

the rafsi soi- and -sai are joined, with the additional r making up the rs consonant pair needed to make the word a brivla. Without the r, the word would break up into

soi sai, two cmavo. The pair of cmavo have no relation to their rafsi lookalikes; they will either be ungrammatical (as in this case), or will express a different meaning from what was intended.

Learning rafsi and the rules for assembling them into lujvo is clearly seen to be necessary for fully using the potential Lojban vocabulary.

Most important, it is possible to invent new lujvo while you speak or write in order to represent a new or unfamiliar concept, one for which you do not know any existing Lojban word. As long as you follow the rules for building these compounds, there is a good chance that you will be understood without explanation.

rafsi

Every gismu has from two to five rafsi, each of a different form, but each such rafsi represents only one gismu. It is valid to use any of the rafsi forms in building lujvo – whichever the reader or listener will most easily understand, or whichever is most pleasing – subject to the rules of lujvo making. There is a scoring algorithm which is intended to determine which of the possible and legal lujvo forms will be the standard dictionary form (See Section 5.11).

Each gismu always has at least two rafsi forms; one is the gismu itself (used only at the end of a lujvo), and one is the gismu without its final vowel (used only at the beginning or middle of a lujvo). These forms are represented as CVC/CV or CCVCV (called “the 5-letter rafsi”), and CVC/C or CCVC (called “the 4-letter rafsi”) respectively. The dashes in these rafsi form representations show where other rafsi may be attached to form a valid lujvo. When lujvo are formed only from 4-letter and 5-letter rafsi, known collectively as “long rafsi”, they are called “unreduced lujvo”.

Some examples of unreduced lujvo forms are:

mamtypatfu

mamta patfu

“mother father”

or “maternal grandfather”

lerfyliste

lerfu liste

“letter list” or a “list of letters”

(letters of the alphabet)

nancyprali

nanca prali

“year profit”

or “annual profit”

prunyplipe

pruni plipe

“elastic (springy) leap”

or “spring” (the verb)

vancysanmi

vanci sanmi

“evening meal”

or “supper”

In addition to these two forms, each gismu may have up to three additional short rafsi, three letters long. All short rafsi have one of the forms CVC, CCV, or CVV. The total number of rafsi forms that are assigned to a gismu depends on how useful the gismu is, or is presumed to be, in making lujvo, when compared to other gismu that could be assigned the rafsi.

For example, zmadu ( “more than”) has the two short rafsi zma and mau (in addition to its unreduced rafsi

zmad and zmadu), because a vast number of lujvo have been created based on zmadu, corresponding in general to English comparative adjectives ending in “-er” such as “whiter” (Lojban labmau). On the other hand, bakri (“chalk”) has no short rafsi and few lujvo.

There are at most one CVC-form, one CCV-form, and one CVV-form rafsi per gismu. In fact, only a tiny handful of gismu have both a CCV-form and a CVV-form rafsi assigned, and still fewer have all three forms of short rafsi. However, gismu with both a CVC-form and another short rafsi are fairly common, partly because more possible CVC-form rafsi exist. Yet CVC-form rafsi, even though they are fairly easy to remember, cannot be used at the end of a lujvo (because lujvo must end in vowels), so justifying the assignment of an additional short rafsi to many gismu.

The intention was to use the available “rafsi space”- the set of all possible short rafsi forms – in the most efficient way possible; the goal is to make the most-used lujvo as short as possible (thus maximizing the use of short rafsi), while keeping the rafsi very recognizable to anyone who knows the source gismu. For this reason, the letters in a rafsi have always been chosen from among the five letters of the corresponding gismu. As a result, there are a limited set of short rafsi available for assignment to each gismu. At most seven possible short rafsi are available for consideration (of which at most three can be used, as explained above).

Here are the only short rafsi forms that can possibly exist for gismu of the form CVC/CV, like sakli. The digits in the second column represent the gismu letters used to form the rafsi. <tab class=wikitable header=true>CVC 123 -sak- CVC 124 -sal- CVV 12'5 -sa'i- CVV 125 -sai- CCV 345 -kli- CCV 132 -ska- </tab> (The only actual short rafsi for sakli is -sal-.)

For gismu of the form CCVCV, like blaci, the only short rafsi forms that can exist are: <tab class=wikitable header=true>CVC 134 -bac- CVC 234 -lac CVV 13'5 -ba'i- CVV 135 -bai- CVV 23'5 -la'i- CVV 235 -lai- CCV 123 -bla- </tab> (In fact, blaci has none of these short rafsi; they are all assigned to other gismu. Lojban speakers are not free to reassign any of the rafsi; the tables shown here are to help understand how the rafsi were chosen in the first place.)

There are a few restrictions: a CVV-form rafsi without an apostrophe cannot exist unless the vowels make up one of the four diphthongs ai, ei, oi, or au; and a CCV-form rafsi is possible only if the two consonants form a permissible initial consonant pair (See Section ). Thus mamta, which has the same form as salci, can only have mam, mat, and ma'a as possible rafsi: in fact, only mam is assigned to it.

Some cmavo also have associated rafsi, usually CVC-form. For example, the ten common numerical digits, which are all CV form cmavo, each have a CVC-form rafsi formed by adding a consonant to the cmavo. Most cmavo that have rafsi are ones used in composing tanru.

The term for a lujvo made up solely of short rafsi is “fully reduced lujvo”. Here are some examples of fully reduced lujvo:

cumfri

cumki lifri

“possible experience”

klezba

klesi zbasu

“category make”

kixta'a

krixa tavla

“cry-out talk”

sniju'o

sinxa djuno

“sign know”

In addition, the unreduced forms in Example and Example may be fully reduced to:

mampa'u

mamta patfu

“mother father”

or “maternal grandfather”

lerste

lerfu liste

“letter list” or a “list of letters”

As noted above, CVC-form rafsi cannot appear as the final rafsi in a lujvo, because all lujvo must end with one or two vowels. As a brivla, a lujvo must also contain a consonant cluster within the first five letters – this ensures that they cannot be mistaken for compound cmavo. Of course, all lujvo have at least six letters since they have two or more rafsi, each at least three letters long; hence they cannot be confused with gismu.

When attaching two rafsi together, it may be necessary to insert a hyphen letter. In Lojban, the term “hyphen” always refers to a letter, either the vowel y or one of the consonants r and n. (The letter l can also be a hyphen, but is not used as one in lujvo.)

The y-hyphen is used after a CVC-form rafsi when joining it with the following rafsi could result in an impermissible consonant pair, or when the resulting lujvo could fall apart into two or more words (either cmavo or gismu).

Thus, the tanru

pante tavla ( “protest talk”) cannot produce the lujvo

patta'a, because

tt is not a permissible consonant pair; the lujvo must be patyta'a. Similarly, the tanru

mudri siclu ( “wooden whistle”) cannot form the lujvo

mudsiclu; instead, mudysiclu must be used. (Remember that y is not counted in determining whether the first five letters of a brivla contain a consonant cluster: this is why.)

The y-hyphen is also used to attach a 4-letter rafsi, formed by dropping the final vowel of a gismu, to the following rafsi. (This procedure was shown, but not explained, in Example to Example .)

The lujvo forms zunlyjamfu, zunlyjma, zuljamfu, and zuljma are all legitimate and equivalent forms made from the tanru

zunle jamfu ( “left foot”). Of these, zuljma is the preferred one since it is the shortest; it thus is likely to be the form listed in a Lojban dictionary.

The r-hyphen and its close relative, the n-hyphen, are used in lujvo only after CVV-form rafsi. A hyphen is always required in a two-part lujvo of the form CVV-CVV, since otherwise there would be no consonant cluster.

An r-hyphen or n-hyphen is also required after the CVV-form rafsi of any lujvo of the form CVV-CVC/CV or CVV-CCVCV since it would otherwise fall apart into a CVV-form cmavo and a gismu. In any lujvo with more than two parts, a CVV-form rafsi in the initial position must always be followed by a hyphen. If the hyphen were to be omitted, the supposed lujvo could be broken into smaller words without the hyphen: because the CVV-form rafsi would be interpreted as a cmavo, and the remainder of the word as a valid lujvo that is one rafsi shorter.

An n-hyphen is only used in place of an r-hyphen when the following rafsi begins with r. For example, the tanru

rokci renro ( “rock throw”) cannot be expressed as

ro'ire'o (which breaks up into two cmavo), nor can it be

ro'irre'o (which has an impermissible double consonant); the

n-hyphen is required, and the correct form of the hyphenated lujvo is ro'inre'o. The same lujvo could also be expressed without hyphenation as rokre'o.

There is also a different way of building lujvo, or rather phrases which are grammatically and semantically equivalent to lujvo. You can make a phrase containing any desired words, joining each pair of them with the special cmavo zei. Thus,

bridi zei valsi

is the exact equivalent of brivla (but not necessarily the same as the underlying tanru

bridi valsi, which could have other meanings.) Using zei is the only way to get a cmavo lacking a rafsi, a cmene, or a fu'ivla into a lujvo:

xy. zei kantu

X ray

kulnr,farsi zei lolgai

Farsi floor-cover

Persian rug

na'e zei .a zei na'e zei by. livgyterbilma

non-A, non-B liver-disease

non-A, non-B hepatitis

.cerman. zei jamkarce

Sherman war-car

Sherman tank

Example is particularly noteworthy because the phrase that would be produced by removing the zei s from it doesn't end with a brivla, and in fact is not even grammatical. As written, the example is a tanru with two components, but by adding a zei between by. and livgyterbilma to produce

na'e zei .a zei na'e zei by. zei livgyterbilma

non-A-non-B-hepatitis

the whole phrase would become a single lujvo. The longer lujvo of Example may be preferable, because its place structure can be built from that of bilma, whereas the place structure of a lujvo without a brivla must be constructed ad hoc.

Note that rafsi may not be used in zei phrases, because they are not words. CVV rafsi look like words (specifically cmavo) but there can be no confusion between the two uses of the same letters, because cmavo appear only as separate words or in compound cmavo (which are really just a notation for writing separate but closely related words as if they were one); rafsi appear only as parts of lujvo.

fu'ivla

The use of tanru or lujvo is not always appropriate for very concrete or specific terms (e.g. “brie” or “cobra”), or for jargon words specialized to a narrow field (e.g. “quark”, “integral”, or “iambic pentameter”). These words are in effect names for concepts, and the names were invented by speakers of another language. The vast majority of words referring to plants, animals, foods, and scientific terminology cannot be easily expressed as tanru. They thus must be borrowed (actually “copied”) into Lojban from the original language.

There are four stages of borrowing in Lojban, as words become more and more modified (but shorter and easier to use). Stage 1 is the use of a foreign name quoted with the cmavo la'o (explained in full in Section ):

me la'o ly. spaghetti .ly.

is a predicate with the place structure “x1 is a quantity of spaghetti”.

Stage 2 involves changing the foreign name to a Lojbanized name, as explained in Section 5.7:

me la spagetis.

One of these expedients is often quite sufficient when you need a word quickly in conversation. (This can make it easier to get by when you do not yet have full command of the Lojban vocabulary, provided you are talking to someone who will recognize the borrowing.)

Where a little more universality is desired, the word to be borrowed must be Lojbanized into one of several permitted forms. A rafsi is then usually attached to the beginning of the Lojbanized form, using a hyphen to ensure that the resulting word doesn't fall apart.

The rafsi categorizes or limits the meaning of the fu'ivla; otherwise a word having several different jargon meanings in other languages would require the word-inventor to choose which meaning should be assigned to the fu'ivla, since fu'ivla (like other brivla) are not permitted to have more than one definition. Such a Stage 3 borrowing is the most common kind of fu'ivla.

Finally, Stage 4 fu'ivla do not have any rafsi classifier, and are used where a fu'ivla has become so common or so important that it must be made as short as possible. (See Section 5.15 for a proposal concerning Stage 4 fu'ivla.)

The form of a fu'ivla reliably distinguishes it from both the gismu and the cmavo. Like cultural gismu, fu'ivla are generally based on a word from a single non-Lojban language. The word is “borrowed” (actually “copied”, hence the Lojban tanru

fukpi valsi) from the other language and Lojbanized – the phonemes are converted to their closest Lojban equivalent and modifications are made as necessary to make the word a legitimate Lojban fu'ivla-form word. All fu'ivla:

• must contain a consonant cluster in the first five letters of the word; if this consonant cluster is at the beginning, it must either be a permissible initial consonant pair, or a longer cluster such that each pair of adjacent consonants in the cluster is a permissible initial consonant pair: spraile is acceptable, but not ktraile or trkaile;
• must end in one or more vowels;
• must not be gismu or lujvo, or any combination of cmavo, gismu, and lujvo; furthermore, a fu'ivla with a CV cmavo joined to the front of it must not have the form of a lujvo (the so-called “slinku'i test”, not discussed further in this book);
• cannot contain y, although they may contain syllabic pronunciations of Lojban consonants;
• like other brivla, are stressed on the penultimate syllable.

Note that consonant triples or larger clusters that are not at the beginning of a fu'ivla can be quite flexible, as long as all consonant pairs are permissible. There is no need to restrict fu'ivla clusters to permissible initial pairs except at the beginning.

This is a fairly liberal definition and allows quite a lot of possibilities within “fu'ivla space”. Stage 3 fu'ivla can be made easily on the fly, as lujvo can, because the procedure for forming them always guarantees a word that cannot violate any of the rules. Stage 4 fu'ivla require running tests that are not simple to characterize or perform, and should be made only after deliberation and by someone knowledgeable about all the considerations that apply.

Here is a simple and reliable procedure for making a non-Lojban word into a valid Stage 3 fu'ivla:

• Eliminate all double consonants and silent letters.
• Convert all sounds to their closest Lojban equivalents. Lojban y, however, may not be used in any fu'ivla.
• If the last letter is not a vowel, modify the ending so that the word ends in a vowel, either by removing a final consonant or by adding a suggestively chosen final vowel.
• If the first letter is not a consonant, modify the beginning so that the word begins with a consonant, either by removing an initial vowel or adding a suggestively chosen initial consonant.
• Prefix the result of steps 1-5 with a 4-letter rafsi that categorizes the fu'ivla into a “topic area”. It is only safe to use a 4-letter rafsi; short rafsi sometimes produce invalid fu'ivla. Hyphenate the rafsi to the rest of the fu'ivla with an

r-hyphen; if that would produce a double r, use an n-hyphen instead; if the rafsi ends in r and the rest of the fu'ivla begins with n (or vice versa), or if the rafsi ends in "r" and the rest of the fu'ivla begins with "tc", "ts", "dj", or "dz" (using "n" would result in a phonotactically impermissible cluster), use an l-hyphen. (This is the only use of l-hyphen in Lojban.)

Alternatively, if a CVC-form short rafsi is available it can be used instead of the long rafsi.

• Remember that the stress necessarily appears on the penultimate (next-to-the-last) syllable.

In this section, the hyphen is set off with commas in the examples, but these commas are not required in writing, and the hyphen need not be pronounced as a separate syllable.

Here are a few examples:

spaghetti

from English or Italian

spageti

Lojbanize

cidj,r,spageti

prefix long rafsi

dja,r,spageti

prefix short rafsi

where cidj- is the 4-letter rafsi for cidja, the Lojban gismu for “food”, thus categorizing cidjrspageti as a kind of food. The form with the short rafsi happens to work, but such good fortune cannot be relied on: in any event, it means the same thing.

Acer

the scientific name of maple trees

acer

Lojbanize

xaceru

add initial consonant and final vowel

tric,r,xaceru

prefix rafsi

ric,r,xaceru

prefix short rafsi

where tric- and ric- are rafsi for tricu, the gismu for “tree”. Note that by the same principles, “maple sugar” could get the fu'ivla saktrxaceru, or could be represented by the tanru

tricrxaceru sakta. Technically, ricrxaceru and tricrxaceru are distinct fu'ivla, but they would surely be given the same meanings if both happened to be in use.

brie

from French

bri

Lojbanize

cirl,r,bri

prefix rafsi

where cirl- represents cirla ( “cheese”).

cobra

kobra

Lojbanize

sinc,r,kobra

prefix rafsi

where sinc- represents since ( “snake”).

quark

kuark

Lojbanize

kuarka

add final vowel

sask,r,kuarka

prefix rafsi

where sask- represents saske ( “science”). Note the extra vowel a added to the end of the word, and the diphthong ua, which never appears in gismu or lujvo, but may appear in fu'ivla.

자모

from Korean

djamo

Lojbanize

lerf,r,djamo

prefix rafsi

ler,l,djamo

prefix rafsi

where ler- represents lerfu ( “letter”). Note the l-hyphen in "lerldjamo", since "lerndjamo" contains the forbidden cluster "ndj".

The use of the prefix helps distinguish among the many possible meanings of the borrowed word, depending on the field. As it happens, spageti and kuarka are valid Stage 4 fu'ivla, but

xaceru looks like a compound cmavo, and

kobra like a gismu.

For another example, “integral” has a specific meaning to a mathematician. But the Lojban fu'ivla integrale, which is a valid Stage 4 fu'ivla, does not convey that mathematical sense to a non-mathematical listener, even one with an English-speaking background; its source – the English word “integral” – has various other specialized meanings in other fields.

Left uncontrolled, integrale almost certainly would eventually come to mean the same collection of loosely related concepts that English associates with “integral”, with only the context to indicate (possibly) that the mathematical term is meant.

The prefix method would render the mathematical concept as cmacrntegrale, if the i of integrale is removed, or something like cmacrnintegrale, if a new consonant is added to the beginning; cmac- is the rafsi for cmaci ( “mathematics”). The architectural sense of “integral” might be conveyed with djinrnintegrale or tarmrnintegrale, where dinju and tarmi mean “building” and “form” respectively.

Here are some fu'ivla representing cultures and related things, shown with more than one rafsi prefix:

bang,r,blgaria

Bulgarian

in language

kuln,r,blgaria

Bulgarian

in culture

gugd,r,blgaria

Bulgaria

the country

bang,r,kore,a

Korean

the language

kuln,r,kore,a

Korean

the culture

Note the commas in Example and Example , used because ea is not a valid diphthong in Lojban. Arguably, some form of the native name “Chosen” should have been used instead of the internationally known “Korea”; this is a recurring problem in all borrowings. In general, it is better to use the native name unless using it will severely impede understanding: “Navajo” is far more widely known than “Dine'e”.

cmene

Lojbanized names, called cmene, are very much like their counterparts in other languages. They are labels applied to things (or people) to stand for them in descriptions or in direct address. They may convey meaning in themselves, but do not necessarily do so.

Because names are often highly personal and individual, Lojban attempts to allow native language names to be used with a minimum of modification. The requirement that the Lojban speech stream be unambiguously analyzable, however, means that most names must be modified somewhat when they are Lojbanized. Here are a few examples of English names and possible Lojban equivalents:

djim.

Jim

djein.

Jane

.arnold.

Arnold

pit.

Pete

katrinas.

Katrina

kat,r,in.

Catherine

(Note that syllabic r is skipped in determining the stressed syllable, so Example is stressed on the ka.)

katis.

Cathy

keit.

Kate

Names may have almost any form, but always end in a consonant, and are followed by a pause. They are penultimately stressed, unless unusual stress is marked with capitalization. A name may have multiple parts, each ending with a consonant and pause, or the parts may be combined into a single word with no pause. For example,

djan. braun.

and

djanbraun.

are both valid Lojbanizations of “John Brown”.

The final arbiter of the correct form of a name is the person doing the naming, although most cultures grant people the right to determine how they want their own name to be spelled and pronounced. The English name “Mary” can thus be Lojbanized as meris., maris., meiris., merix., or even marys.. The last alternative is not pronounced much like its English equivalent, but may be desirable to someone who values spelling over pronunciation. The final consonant need not be an s; there must, however, be some Lojban consonant at the end.

Names are not permitted to have the sequences la, lai, or doi embedded in them, unless the sequence is immediately preceded by a consonant. These minor restrictions are due to the fact that all Lojban cmene embedded in a speech stream will be preceded by one of these words or by a pause. With one of these words embedded, the cmene might break up into valid Lojban words followed by a shorter cmene. However, break-up cannot happen after a consonant, because that would imply that the word before the la, or whatever, ended in a consonant without pause, which is impossible.

For example, the invalid name laplas. would look like the Lojban words

la plas., and

ilanas. would be misunderstood as

.i la nas.. However,

NEderlants. cannot be misheard as

NEder lants., because

NEder with no following pause is not a possible Lojban word.

There are close alternatives to these forbidden sequences that can be used in Lojbanizing names, such as ly, lei, and dai or do'i, that do not cause these problems.

Lojban cmene are identifiable as word forms by the following characteristics:

• They must end in one or more consonants. There are no rules about how many consonants may appear in a cluster in cmene, provided that each consonant pair (whether standing by itself, or as part of a larger cluster) is a permissible pair.
• They may contain the letter y as a normal, non-hyphenating vowel. They are the only kind of Lojban word that may contain the two diphthongs iy and uy.
• They are always followed in speech by a pause after the final consonant, written as ..
• They may be stressed on any syllable; if this syllable is not the penultimate one, it must be capitalized when writing. Neither names nor words that begin sentences are capitalized in Lojban, so this is the only use of capital letters.

Names meeting these criteria may be invented, Lojbanized from names in other languages, or formed by appending a consonant onto a cmavo, a gismu, a fu'ivla or a lujvo. Some cmene built from Lojban words are:

pav.

the One

from the cmavo pa, with rafsi pav, meaning “one”

sol.

the Sun

from the gismu solri, meaning “solar”, or actually “pertaining to the Sun”

ralj.

Chief

as a title

from the gismu ralju, meaning “principal”.

nol.

Lord/Lady

from the gismu nobli, with rafsi nol, meaning “noble”.

To Lojbanize a name from the various natural languages, apply the following rules:

• Eliminate double consonants and silent letters.
• Add a final s or n (or some other consonant that sounds good) if the name ends in a vowel.
• Convert all sounds to their closest Lojban equivalents.
• If possible and acceptable, shift the stress to the penultimate (next-to-the-last) syllable. Use commas and capitalization in written Lojban when it is necessary to preserve non-standard syllabication or stress. Do not capitalize names otherwise.
• If the name contains an impermissible consonant pair, insert a vowel between the consonants: y is recommended.
• No cmene may have the syllables la, lai, or doi in them, unless immediately preceded by a consonant. If these combinations are present, they must be converted to something else. Possible substitutions include ly,

ly'i, and dai or

do'i, respectively.

There are some additional rules for Lojbanizing the scientific names (technically known as “Linnaean binomials” after their inventor) which are internationally applied to each species of animal or plant. Where precision is essential, these names need not be Lojbanized, but can be directly inserted into Lojban text using the cmavo la'o, explained in Section . Using this cmavo makes the already lengthy Latinized names at least four syllables longer, however, and leaves the pronunciation in doubt. The following suggestions, though incomplete, will assist in converting Linnaean binomals to valid Lojban names. They can also help to create fu'ivla based on Linnaean binomials or other words of the international scientific vocabulary. The term “back vowel” in the following list refers to any of the letters a, o, or u; the term “front vowel” correspondingly refers to any of the letters e, i, or y.

• Change double consonants other than

cc to single consonants.

• Change

cc before a front vowel to kc, but otherwise to k.

• Change c before a back vowel and final c to k.
• Change

ng before a consonant (other than h) and final ng to n.

• Change x to z initially, but otherwise to

ks.

• Change

pn to n initially.

• Change final ie and ii to i.
• Make the following idiosyncratic substitutions:

<tab class=wikitable header=true> aa a ae e ch k ee i eigh ei ew u igh ai oo u ou u ow au ph f q k sc sk w u y i </tab> However, the diphthong substitutions should not be done if the two vowels are in two different syllables.

• Change “h” between two vowels to ', but otherwise remove it completely. If preservation of the “h” seems essential, change it to x instead.
• Place ' between any remaining vowel pairs that do not form Lojban diphthongs.

Some further examples of Lojbanized names are: <tab class=wikitable header=true>English “Mary” meris. or meiris. English “Smith” smit. English “Jones” djonz. English “John” djan. or jan. (American) or djon. or jon. (British) English “Alice” .alis. English “Elise” .eLIS. English “Johnson” djansn. English “William” .uiliam. or .uil,iam. English “Brown” braun. English “Charles” tcarlz. French “Charles” carl. French “De Gaulle” dyGOL. German “Heinrich” xainrix. Spanish “Joaquin” xuaKIN. Russian “Svetlana” sfietlanys. Russian “Khrushchev” xrucTCOF. Hindi “Krishna” kricnas. Polish “Lech Walesa” lex. va,uensas. Spanish “Don Quixote” don. kicotes. or modern Spanish: don. kixotes. or Mexican dialect: don. ki'otes. Chinese “Mao Zedong” maudzydyn. Japanese “Fujiko” fudjikos. or fujikos. </tab>

Rules for inserting pauses

Summarized in one place, here are the rules for inserting pauses between Lojban words:

• Any two words may have a pause between them; it is always illegal to pause in the middle of a word, because that breaks up the word into two words.
• Every word ending in a consonant must be followed by a pause. Necessarily, all such words are cmene.
• Every word beginning with a vowel must be preceded by a pause. Such words are either cmavo, fu'ivla, or cmene; all gismu and lujvo begin with consonants.
• Every cmene must be preceded by a pause, unless the immediately preceding word is one of the cmavo la, lai, la'i, or doi (which is why those strings are forbidden in cmene). However, the situation triggering this rule rarely occurs.
• If the last syllable of a word bears the stress, and a brivla follows, the two must be separated by a pause, to prevent confusion with the primary stress of the brivla. In this case, the first word must be either a cmavo or a cmene with unusual stress (which already ends with a pause, of course).
• A cmavo of the form “Cy” must be followed by a pause unless another “Cy”-form cmavo follows.
• When non-Lojban text is embedded in Lojban, it must be preceded and followed by pauses. (How to embed non-Lojban text is explained in

Section .)

Considerations for making lujvo

Given a tanru which expresses an idea to be used frequently, it can be turned into a lujvo by following the lujvo-making algorithm which is given in Section 5.10.

In building a lujvo, the first step is to replace each gismu with a rafsi that uniquely represents that gismu. These rafsi are then attached together by fixed rules that allow the resulting compound to be recognized as a single word and to be analyzed in only one way.

There are three other complications; only one is serious.

The first is that there is usually more than one rafsi that can be used for each gismu. The one to be used is simply whichever one sounds or looks best to the speaker or writer. There are usually many valid combinations of possible rafsi. They all are equally valid, and all of them mean exactly the same thing. (The scoring algorithm given in Section 5.11 is used to choose the standard form of the lujvo – the version which would be entered into a dictionary.)

The second complication is the serious one. Remember that a tanru is ambiguous – it has several possible meanings. A lujvo, or at least one that would be put into the dictionary, has just a single meaning. Like a gismu, a lujvo is a predicate which encompasses one area of the semantic universe, with one set of places. Hopefully the meaning chosen is the most useful of the possible semantic spaces. A possible source of linguistic drift in Lojban is that as Lojbanic society evolves, the concept that seems the most useful one may change.

You must also be aware of the possibility of some prior meaning of a new lujvo, especially if you are writing for posterity. If a lujvo is invented which involves the same tanru as one that is in the dictionary, and is assigned a different meaning (or even just a different place structure), linguistic drift results. This isn't necessarily bad. Every natural language does it. But in communication, when you use a meaning different from the dictionary definition, someone else may use the dictionary and therefore misunderstand you. You can use the cmavo za'e (explained in Section ) before a newly coined lujvo to indicate that it may have a non-dictionary meaning.

The essential nature of human communication is that if the listener understands, then all is well. Let this be the ultimate guideline for choosing meanings and place structures for invented lujvo.

The third complication is also simple, but tends to scare new Lojbanists with its implications. It is based on Zipf's Law, which says that the length of words is inversely proportional to their usage. The shortest words are those which are used more; the longest ones are used less. Conversely, commonly used concepts will be tend to be abbreviated. In English, we have abbreviations and acronyms and jargon, all of which represent complex ideas that are used often by small groups of people, so they shortened them to convey more information more rapidly.

Therefore, given a complicated tanru with grouping markers, abstraction markers, and other cmavo in it to make it syntactically unambiguous, the psychological basis of Zipf's Law may compel the lujvo-maker to drop some of the cmavo to make a shorter (technically incorrect) tanru, and then use that tanru to make the lujvo.

This doesn't lead to ambiguity, as it might seem to. A given lujvo still has exactly one meaning and place structure. It is just that more than one tanru is competing for the same lujvo. But more than one meaning for the tanru was already competing for the “right” to define the meaning of the lujvo. Someone has to use judgment in deciding which one meaning is to be chosen over the others.

If the lujvo made by a shorter form of tanru is in use, or is likely to be useful for another meaning, the decider then retains one or more of the cmavo, preferably ones that set this meaning apart from the shorter form meaning that is used or anticipated. As a rule, therefore, the shorter lujvo will be used for a more general concept, possibly even instead of a more frequent word. If both words are needed, the simpler one should be shorter. It is easier to add a cmavo to clarify the meaning of the more complex term than it is to find a good alternate tanru for the simpler term.

And of course, we have to consider the listener. On hearing an unknown word, the listener will decompose it and get a tanru that makes no sense or the wrong sense for the context. If the listener realizes that the grouping operators may have been dropped out, he or she may try alternate groupings, or try inserting an abstraction operator if that seems plausible. (The grouping of tanru is explained in Chapter 6; abstraction is explained in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch.) Plausibility is the key to learning new ideas and to evaluating unfamiliar lujvo.

The lujvo-making algorithm

The following is the current algorithm for generating Lojban lujvo given a known tanru and a complete list of gismu and their assigned rafsi. The algorithm was designed by Bob LeChevalier and Dr. James Cooke Brown for computer program implementation. It was modified in 1989 with the assistance of Nora LeChevalier, who detected a flaw in the original “tosmabru test”.

Given a tanru that is to be made into a lujvo:

• Choose a 3-letter or 4-letter rafsi for each of the gismu and cmavo in the tanru except the last.
• Choose a 3-letter (CVV-form or CCV-form) or 5-letter rafsi for the final gismu in the tanru.
• Join the resulting string of rafsi, initially without hyphens.
• Add hyphen letters where necessary. It is illegal to add a hyphen at a place that is not required by this algorithm. Right-to-left tests are recommended, for reasons discussed below.
• If there are more than two words in the tanru, put an

r-hyphen (or an n-hyphen) after the first rafsi if it is CVV-form. If there are exactly two words, then put an r-hyphen (or an n-hyphen) between the two rafsi if the first rafsi is CVV-form, unless the second rafsi is CCV-form (for example,

saicli requires no hyphen). Use an

r-hyphen unless the letter after the hyphen is r, in which case use an n-hyphen. Never use an n-hyphen unless it is required.

• Put a

y-hyphen between the consonants of any impermissible consonant pair. This will always appear between rafsi.

• Put a

y-hyphen after any 4-letter rafsi form.

• Test all forms with one or more initial CVC-form rafsi – with the pattern “CVC ... CVC + X” – for “tosmabru failure”. X must either be a CVCCV long rafsi that happens to have a permissible initial pair as the consonant cluster, or is something which has caused a

y-hyphen to be installed between the previous CVC and itself by one of the above rules.

The test is as follows:

• Examine all the C/C consonant pairs up to the first y-hyphen, or up to the end of the word in case there are no y-hyphens.

These consonant pairs are called "joints”.

• If all of those joints are permissible initials, then the trial word will break up into a cmavo and a shorter brivla. If not, the word will not break up, and no further hyphens are needed.
• Install a y-hyphen at the first such joint.

Note that the “tosmabru test” implies that the algorithm will be more efficient if rafsi junctures are tested for required hyphens from right to left, instead of from left to right; when the test is required, it cannot be completed until hyphenation to the right has been determined.

The lujvo scoring algorithm

This algorithm was devised by Bob and Nora LeChevalier in 1989. It is not the only possible algorithm, but it usually gives a choice that people find preferable. The algorithm may be changed in the future. The lowest-scoring variant will usually be the dictionary form of the lujvo. (In previous versions, it was the highest-scoring variant.)

• Count the total number of letters, including hyphens and apostrophes; call it

L.

• Count the number of apostrophes; call it

A.

• Count the number of y-, r-, and

n-hyphens; call it

H.

• For each rafsi, find the value in the following table. Sum this value over all rafsi; call it

R: <tab class=wikitable header=true>CVC/CV (final) (-sarji) 1 CVC/C (-sarj-) 2 CCVCV (final) (-zbasu) 3 CCVC (-zbas-) 4 CVC (-nun-) 5 CVV with an apostrophe (-ta'u-) 6 CCV (-zba-) 7 CVV with no apostrophe (-sai-) 8 </tab>

• Count the number of vowels, not including y; call it

V.

The score is then: (1000 * L) - (500 * A) + (100 * H) - (10 * R) - V In case of ties, there is no preference. This should be rare. Note that the algorithm essentially encodes a hierarchy of priorities: short words are preferred (counting apostrophes as half a letter), then words with fewer hyphens, words with more pleasing rafsi (this judgment is subjective), and finally words with more vowels are chosen. Each decision principle is applied in turn if the ones before it have failed to choose; it is possible that a lower-ranked principle might dominate a higher-ranked one if it is ten times better than the alternative.

Here are some lujvo with their scores (not necessarily the lowest scoring forms for these lujvo, nor even necessarily sensible lujvo):

zbasai

zba + sai {{{1}}}

nunynau

nun + y + nau {{{1}}}

sairzbata'u

sai + r + zba + ta'u {{{1}}}

zbazbasysarji

zba + zbas + y + sarji {{{1}}}

lujvo-making examples

This section contains examples of making and scoring lujvo. First, we will start with the tanru

gerku zdani ( “dog house”) and construct a lujvo meaning “doghouse”, that is, a house where a dog lives. We will use a brute-force application of the algorithm in Section 5.11, using every possible rafsi.

The rafsi for gerku are:

• -ger-,
• -ge'u-,
• -gerk-,
• -gerku

The rafsi for zdani are:

• -zda-,
• -zdan-,
• -zdani.

Step 1 of the algorithm directs us to use -ger-, -ge'u- and -gerk- as possible rafsi for gerku; Step 2 directs us to use -zda- and -zdani as possible rafsi for zdani. The six possible forms of the lujvo are then:

• ger-zda
• ger-zdani
• ge'u-zda
• ge'u-zdani
• gerk-zda
• gerk-zdani

We must then insert appropriate hyphens in each case. The first two forms need no hyphenation: ge cannot fall off the front, because the following word would begin with rz, which is not a permissible initial consonant pair. So the lujvo forms are gerzda and gerzdani.

The third form, ge'u-zda, needs no hyphen, because even though the first rafsi is CVV, the second one is CCV, so there is a consonant cluster in the first five letters. So ge'uzda is this form of the lujvo.

The fourth form,

ge'u-zdani, however, requires an

r-hyphen; otherwise, the ge'u- part would fall off as a cmavo. So this form of the lujvo is ge'urzdani.

The last two forms require y-hyphens, as all 4-letter rafsi do, and so are gerkyzda and gerkyzdani respectively.

The scoring algorithm is heavily weighted in favor of short lujvo, so we might expect that gerzda would win. Its L score is 6, its A score is 0, its H score is 0, its R score is 12, and its V score is 3, for a final score of 5878. The other forms have scores of 7917, 6367, 9506, 8008, and 10047 respectively. Consequently, this lujvo would probably appear in the dictionary in the form gerzda.

For the next example, we will use the tanru

bloti klesi ( “boat class”) presumably referring to the category (rowboat, motorboat, cruise liner) into which a boat falls. We will omit the long rafsi from the process, since lujvo containing long rafsi are almost never preferred by the scoring algorithm when there are short rafsi available.

The rafsi for bloti are -lot-, -blo-, and -lo'i-; for klesi they are -kle- and -lei-. Both these gismu are among the handful which have both CVV-form and CCV-form rafsi, so there is an unusual number of possibilities available for a two-part tanru:

• lotkle
• blokle
• lo'ikle

• lotlei
• blolei
• lo'irlei

Only lo'irlei requires hyphenation (to avoid confusion with the cmavo sequence lo'i lei). All six forms are valid versions of the lujvo, as are the six further forms using long rafsi; however, the scoring algorithm produces the following results:

lotkle 5878 blokle 5858 lo'ikle 6367 lotlei 5867 blolei 5847 lo'irlei 7456

So the form blolei is preferred, but only by a tiny margin over blokle; "lotlei" and "lotkle" are only slightly worse; lo'ikle suffers because of its apostrophe, and lo'irlei because of having both apostrophe and hyphen.

Our third example will result in forming both a lujvo and a name from the tanru

logji bangu girzu, or “logical-language group” in English. ( “The Logical Language Group” is the name of the publisher of this book and the organization for the promotion of Lojban.)

The available rafsi are -loj- and -logj-; -ban-, -bau-, and -bang-; and -gri- and -girzu, and (for name purposes only) -gir- and -girz-. The resulting 12 lujvo possibilities are:

• loj-ban-gri
• loj-bau-gri
• loj-bang-gri

• logj-ban-gri
• logj-bau-gri
• logj-bang-gri

• loj-ban-girzu
• loj-bau-girzu
• loj-bang-girzu

• logj-ban-girzu
• logj-bau-girzu
• logj-bang-girzu

and the 12 name possibilities are:

• loj-ban-gir
• loj-bau-gir
• loj-bang-gir

• logj-ban-gir
• logj-bau-gir
• logj-bang-gir

• loj-ban-girz
• loj-bau-girz
• loj-bang-girz

• logj-ban-girz
• logj-bau-girz
• logj-bang-girz

After hyphenation, we have:

• lojbangri
• lojbaugri
• lojbangygri

• logjybangri
• logjybaugri
• logjybangygri

• lojbangirzu
• lojbaugirzu
• lojbangygirzu

• logjybangirzu
• logjybaugirzu
• logjybangygirzu

• lojbangir
• lojbaugir
• lojbangygir

• logjybangir
• logjybaugir
• logjybangygir

• lojbangirz
• lojbaugirz
• lojbangygirz

• logjybangirz
• logjybaugirz
• logjybangygirz

The only fully reduced lujvo forms are lojbangri and lojbaugri, of which the latter has a slightly lower score: 8827 versus 8796, respectively. However, for the name of the organization, we chose to make sure the name of the language was embedded in it, and to use the clearer long-form rafsi for girzu, producing lojbangirz.

Finally, here is a four-part lujvo with a cmavo in it, based on the tanru

nakni ke cinse ctuca or “male (sexual teacher)”. The

ke cmavo ensures the interpretation “teacher of sexuality who is male”, rather than “teacher of male sexuality”. Here are the possible forms of the lujvo, both before and after hyphenation:

• nak-kem-cin-ctu
• nakykemcinctu

• nak-kem-cin-ctuca
• nakykemcinctuca

• nak-kem-cins-ctu
• nakykemcinsyctu

• nak-kem-cins-ctuca
• nakykemcinsyctuca

• nakn-kem-cin-ctu
• naknykemcinctu

• nakn-kem-cin-ctuca
• naknykemcinctuca

• nakn-kem-cins-ctu
• naknykemcinsyctu

• nakn-kem-cins-ctuca
• naknykemcinsyctuca

Of these forms, nakykemcinctu is the shortest and is preferred by the scoring algorithm. On the whole, however, it might be better to just make a lujvo for

cinse ctuca (which would be cinctu) since the sex of the teacher is rarely important. If there was a reason to specify “male”, then the simpler tanru

nakni cinctu ( “male sexual-teacher”) would be appropriate. This tanru is actually shorter than the four-part lujvo, since the ke required for grouping need not be expressed.

The gismu creation algorithm

The gismu were created through the following process:

• At least one word was found in each of the six source languages (Chinese, English, Hindi, Spanish, Russian, Arabic) corresponding to the proposed gismu. This word was rendered into Lojban phonetics rather liberally: consonant clusters consisting of a stop and the corresponding fricative were simplified to just the fricative (

tc became c, dj became j) and non-Lojban vowels were mapped onto Lojban ones. Furthermore, morphological endings were dropped. The same mapping rules were applied to all six languages for the sake of consistency.

• All possible gismu forms were matched against the six source-language forms. The matches were scored as follows:
• If three or more letters were the same in the proposed gismu and the source-language word, and appeared in the same order, the score was equal to the number of letters that were the same. Intervening letters, if any, did not matter.
• If exactly two letters were the same in the proposed gismu and the source-language word, and either the two letters were consecutive in both words, or were separated by a single letter in both words, the score was 2. Letters in reversed order got no score.
• Otherwise, the score was 0.
• The scores were divided by the length of the source-language word in its Lojbanized form, and then multiplied by a weighting value specific to each language, reflecting the proportional number of first-language and second-language speakers of the language. (Second-language speakers were reckoned at half their actual numbers.) The weights were chosen to sum to 1.00. The sum of the weighted scores was the total score for the proposed gismu form.
• Any gismu forms that conflicted with existing gismu were removed. Obviously, being identical with an existing gismu constitutes a conflict. In addition, a proposed gismu that was identical to an existing gismu except for the final vowel was considered a conflict, since two such gismu would have identical 4-letter rafsi.

More subtly: If the proposed gismu was identical to an existing gismu except for a single consonant, and the consonant was "too similar” based on the following table, then the proposed gismu was rejected. <tab class=wikitable header=true>proposed gismu existing gismub p, vc j, sd tf p, vg k, xj c, zk g, xl rm nn mp b, fr ls c, zt dv b, fx g, kz j, s </tab> See Section 5.3 for an example.

• The gismu form with the highest score usually became the actual gismu. Sometimes a lower-scoring form was used to provide a better rafsi. A few gismu were changed in error as a result of transcription blunders (for example, the gismu gismu should have been gicmu, but it's too late to fix it now).

The language weights used to make most of the gismu were as follows: <tab class=wikitable header=true>Chinese 0.36 English 0.21 Hindi 0.16 Spanish 0.11 Russian 0.09 Arabic 0.07 </tab> reflecting 1985 number-of-speakers data. A few gismu were made much later using updated weights: <tab class=wikitable header=true>Chinese 0.347 Hindi 0.196 English 0.160 Spanish 0.123 Russian 0.089 Arabic 0.085 </tab> (English and Hindi switched places due to demographic changes.)

Note that the stressed vowel of the gismu was considered sufficiently distinctive that two or more gismu may differ only in this vowel; as an extreme example, bradi, bredi, bridi, and brodi (but fortunately not brudi) are all existing gismu.

Cultural and other non-algorithmic gismu

The following gismu were not made by the gismu creation algorithm. They are, in effect, coined words similar to fu'ivla. They are exceptions to the otherwise mandatory gismu creation algorithm where there was sufficient justification for such exceptions. Except for the small metric prefixes and the assignable predicates beginning with brod-, they all end in the letter o, which is otherwise a rare letter in Lojban gismu.

The following gismu represent concepts that are sufficiently unique to Lojban that they were either coined from combining forms of other gismu, or else made up out of whole cloth. These gismu are thus conceptually similar to lujvo even though they are only five letters long; however, unlike lujvo, they have rafsi assigned to them for use in building more complex lujvo. Assigning gismu to these concepts helps to keep the resulting lujvo reasonably short.

broda

1st assignable predicate

brode

2nd assignable predicate

brodi

3rd assignable predicate

brodo

4th assignable predicate

brodu

5th assignable predicate

cmavo

structure word (from cmalu valsi)

lojbo

Lojbanic (from logji bangu)

lujvo

compound word (from pluja valsi)

mekso

Mathematical EXpression

It is important to understand that even though cmavo, lojbo, and lujvo were made up from parts of other gismu, they are now full-fledged gismu used in exactly the same way as all other gismu, both in grammar and in word formation.

The following three groups of gismu represent concepts drawn from the international language of science and mathematics. They are used for concepts that are represented in most languages by a root which is recognized internationally.

Small metric prefixes (values less than 1): <tab class=wikitable header=true>decti .1 decicenti .01 centimilti .001 millimikri 10^-6 micronanvi 10^-9 nanopicti 10^-12 picofemti 10^-15 femtoxatsi 10^-18 attozepti 10^-21 zeptogocti 10^-24 yocto </tab> Large metric prefixes (values greater than 1): <tab class=wikitable header=true>dekto 10 dekaxecto 100 hectokilto 1000 kilomegdo 10⁶ megagigdo 10⁹ gigaterto 10¹² terapetso 10¹⁵ petaxexso 10¹⁸ exazetro 10²¹ zettagotro 10²⁴ yotta </tab> Other scientific or mathematical terms:

delno

candela

kelvo

kelvin

molro

mole

radno

radian

sinso

sine

stero

steradian

tanjo

tangent

xampo

ampere

The gismu sinso and tanjo were only made non-algorithmically because they were identical (having been borrowed from a common source) in all the dictionaries that had translations. The other terms in this group are units in the international metric system; some metric units, however, were made by the ordinary process (usually because they are different in Chinese).

Finally, there are the cultural gismu, which are also borrowed, but by modifying a word from one particular language, instead of using the multi-lingual gismu creation algorithm. Cultural gismu are used for words that have local importance to a particular culture; other cultures or languages may have no word for the concept at all, or may borrow the word from its home culture, just as Lojban does. In such a case, the gismu algorithm, which uses weighted averages, doesn't accurately represent the frequency of usage of the individual concept. Cultural gismu are not even required to be based on the six major languages.

The six Lojban source languages:

jungo

Chinese (from "Zhong ¹ guo ²")

glico

English

xindo

Hindi

spano

Spanish

rusko

Russian

xrabo

Arabic

Seven other widely spoken languages that were on the list of candidates for gismu-making, but weren't used:

bengo

Bengali

porto

Portuguese

baxso

Bahasa Melayu/Bahasa Indonesia

ponjo

Japanese (from “Nippon”)

dotco

German (from "Deutsch")

fraso

French (from "Français")

xurdo

Urdu

(Urdu and Hindi began as the same language with different writing systems, but have now become somewhat different, principally in borrowed vocabulary. Urdu-speakers were counted along with Hindi-speakers when weights were assigned for gismu-making purposes.)

Countries with a large number of speakers of any of the above languages (where the meaning of “large” is dependent on the specific language): <tab class=wikitable header=true> English:merko Americanbrito Britishskoto Scottishsralo Australiankadno Canadian </tab> <tab class=wikitable header=true> Spanish:gento Argentinianmexno Mexican </tab> <tab class=wikitable header=true> Russian:softo Soviet/USSRvukro Ukrainian </tab> <tab class=wikitable header=true> Arabic:filso Palestinianjerxo Algerianjordo Jordanianlibjo Libyanlubno Lebanesemisro Egyptian (from "Mizraim")morko Moroccanrakso Iraqisadjo Saudisirxo Syrian </tab> <tab class=wikitable header=true> Bahasa Melayu/Bahasa Indonesia:bindo Indonesianmeljo Malaysian </tab> <tab class=wikitable header=true> Portuguese:brazo Brazilian </tab> <tab class=wikitable header=true> Urdu:kisto Pakistani </tab>

The continents (and oceanic regions) of the Earth:

bemro

North American (from berti merko)

dzipo

Antarctican (from cadzu cipni)

ketco

South American (from "Quechua")

friko

African

polno

Polynesian/Oceanic

ropno

European

xazdo

Asiatic

A few smaller but historically important cultures:

latmo

Latin/Roman

srito

Sanskrit

xebro

Hebrew/Israeli/Jewish

xelso

Greek (from "Hellas")

Major world religions:

budjo

Buddhist

dadjo

Taoist

muslo

Islamic/Moslem

xriso

Christian

A few terms that cover multiple groups of the above:

jegvo

Jehovist (Judeo-Christian-Moslem)

semto

Semitic

slovo

Slavic

xispo

Hispanic (New World Spanish)

rafsi fu'ivla: a proposal

The list of cultures represented by gismu, given in Section 5.14, is unavoidably controversial. Much time has been spent debating whether this or that culture “deserves a gismu” or “must languish in fu'ivla space”. To help defuse this argument, a last-minute proposal was made when this book was already substantially complete. I have added it here with experimental status: it is not yet a standard part of Lojban, since all its implications have not been tested in open debate, and it affects a part of the language (lujvo-making) that has long been stable, but is known to be fragile in the face of small changes. (Many attempts were made to add general mechanisms for making lujvo that contained fu'ivla, but all failed on obvious or obscure counterexamples; finally the general zei mechanism was devised instead.)

The first part of the proposal is uncontroversial and involves no change to the language mechanisms. All valid Type 4 fu'ivla of the form CCVVCV would be reserved for cultural brivla analogous to those described in Section 5.14. For example,

tci'ile

Chilean

is of the appropriate form, and passes all tests required of a Stage 4 fu'ivla. No two fu'ivla of this form would be allowed to coexist if they differed only in the final vowel; this rule was applied to gismu, but does not apply to other fu'ivla or to lujvo.

The second, and fully experimental, part of the proposal is to allow rafsi to be formed from these cultural fu'ivla by removing the final vowel and treating the result as a 4-letter rafsi (although it would contain five letters, not four). These rafsi could then be used on a par with all other rafsi in forming lujvo. The tanru

tci'ile ke canre tutra

Chilean type-of

sand territory

Chilean desert

could be represented by the lujvo

tci'ilykemcantutra

which is an illegal word in standard Lojban, but a valid lujvo under this proposal. There would be no short rafsi or 5-letter rafsi assigned to any fu'ivla, so no fu'ivla could appear as the last element of a lujvo.

The cultural fu'ivla introduced under this proposal are called

rafsi fu'ivla, since they are distinguished from other Type 4 fu'ivla by the property of having rafsi. If this proposal is workable and introduces no problems into Lojban morphology, it might become standard for all Type 4 fu'ivla, including those made for plants, animals, foodstuffs, and other things.

The structure of main verb (selbri)

Lojban content words: brivla

At the center, logically and often physically, of every Lojban bridi is one or more words which constitute the selbri. A bridi expresses a relationship between things: the selbri specifies which relationship is referred to. The difference between:

do mamta mi

You are-a-mother-of me

You are my mother

and

do patfu mi

You are-a-father-of me.

You are my father.

lies in the different selbri.

The simplest kind of selbri is a single Lojban content word: a brivla. There are three different varieties of brivla: those which are built into the language (the gismu), those which are derived from combinations of the gismu (the lujvo), and those which are taken (usually in a modified form) from other languages (the fu'ivla). In addition, there are a few cmavo that can act like brivla; these are mentioned in Section 6.8, and discussed in full in Chapter 10.

For the purposes of this chapter, however, all brivla are alike. For example,

ta bloti

That is-a-boat.

That is a boat.

ta brablo

That is-a-large-boat.

That is a ship.

ta blotrskunri

That is-a-(boat)-schooner.

That is a schooner.

illustrate the three types of brivla (gismu, lujvo, and fu'ivla respectively), but in each case the selbri is composed of a single word whose meaning can be learned independent of its origins.

The remainder of this chapter will mostly use gismu as example brivla, because they are short. However, it is important to keep in mind that wherever a gismu appears, it could be replaced by any other kind of brivla.

Simple tanru

Beyond the single brivla, a selbri may consist of two brivla placed together. When a selbri is built in this way from more than one brivla, it is called a tanru, a word with no single English equivalent. The nearest analogue to tanru in English are combinations of two nouns such as “lemon tree”. There is no way to tell just by looking at the phrase “lemon tree” exactly what it refers to, even if you know the meanings of “lemon” and “tree” by themselves. As English-speakers, we must simply know that it refers to “a tree which bears lemons as fruits”. A person who didn't know English very well might think of it as analogous to “brown tree” and wonder, “What kind of tree is lemon-colored?”

In Lojban, tanru are also used for the same purposes as English adjective-noun combinations like “big boy” and adverb-verb combinations like “quickly run”. This is a consequence of Lojban not having any such categories as “noun”, “verb”, “adjective”, or “adverb”. English words belonging to any of these categories are translated by simple brivla in Lojban. Here are some examples of tanru:

tu pelnimre tricu

That-yonder is-a-(lemon tree).

That is a lemon tree.

la djan. barda nanla

That-named John is-a-big boy.

John is a big boy.

mi sutra bajra

I quick run

I quickly run./I run quickly.

Note that pelnimre is a lujvo for “lemon”; it is derived from the gismu pelxu, yellow, and nimre, citrus. Note also that sutra can mean “fast/quick” or “quickly” depending on its use:

mi sutra

I am-fast/quick

shows sutra used to translate an adjective, whereas in Example it is translating an adverb. (Another correct translation of Example , however, would be “I am a quick runner”.)

There are special Lojban terms for the two components of a tanru, derived from the place structure of the word tanru. The first component is called the seltau, and the second component is called the tertau.

The most important rule for use in interpreting tanru is that the tertau carries the primary meaning. A

pelnimre tricu is primarily a tree, and only secondarily is it connected with lemons in some way. For this reason, an alternative translation of Example would be:

That is a lemon type of tree.

This “type of” relationship between the components of a tanru is fundamental to the tanru concept.

We may also say that the seltau modifies the meaning of the tertau:

That is a tree which is lemon-ish (in the way appropriate to trees)

would be another possible translation of Example . In the same way, a more explicit translation of Example might be:

John is a boy who is big in the way that boys are big.

This “way that boys are big” would be quite different from the way in which elephants are big; big-for-a-boy is small-for-an-elephant.

All tanru are ambiguous semantically. Possible translations of:

ta klama jubme

That is-a-goer type-of-table.

include:

• That is a table which goes (a wheeled table, perhaps).
• That is a table owned by one who goes.
• That is a table used by those who go (a sports doctor's table?).
• That is a table when it goes (otherwise it is a chair?).

In each case the object referred to is a “goer type of table”, but the ambiguous “type of” relationship can mean one of many things. A speaker who uses tanru (and pragmatically all speakers must) takes the risk of being misunderstood. Using tanru is convenient because they are short and expressive; the circumlocution required to squeeze out all ambiguity can require too much effort.

No general theory covering the meaning of all possible tanru exists; probably no such theory can exist. However, some regularities obviously do exist:

do barda prenu

You are-a-large person.

do cmalu prenu

You are-a-small person.

are parallel tanru, in the sense that the relationship between barda and prenu is the same as that between cmalu and prenu. Section 6.13 and Section 6.14 contain a partial listing of some types of tanru, with examples.

Three-part tanru grouping with bo

The following cmavo is discussed in this section:

bo

BO

description

Consider the English sentence:

That's a little girls' school.

What does it mean? Two possible readings are:

That's a little school for girls.

That's a school for little girls.

This ambiguity is quite different from the simple tanru ambiguity described in Section 6.1. We understand that “girls' school” means “a school where girls are the students”, and not “a school where girls are the teachers” or “a school which is a girl” (!). Likewise, we understand that “little girl” means “girl who is small”. This is an ambiguity of grouping. Is “girls' school” to be taken as a unit, with “little” specifying the type of girls' school? Or is “little girl” to be taken as a unit, specifying the type of school? In English speech, different tones of voice, or exaggerated speech rhythm showing the grouping, are used to make the distinction; English writing usually leaves it unrepresented.

Lojban makes no use of tones of voice for any purpose; explicit words are used to do the work. The cmavo bo (which belongs to selma'o BO) may be placed between the two brivla which are most closely associated. Therefore, a Lojban translation of Example would be:

ta cmalu nixli bo ckule

That is-a-small girl [] school.Example might be translated:

ta cmalu bo nixli ckule

That is-a-small [] girl school.

The bo is represented in the literal translation by a hyphen because in written English a hyphen is sometimes used for the same purpose: “a big dog-catcher” would be quite different from a “big-dog catcher” (presumably someone who catches only big dogs).

Analysis of Example and Example reveals a tanru nested within a tanru. In Example , the main tanru has a seltau of cmalu and a tertau of

nixli bo ckule; the tertau is itself a tanru with nixli as the seltau and ckule as the tertau. In Example , on the other hand, the seltau is

cmalu bo nixli (itself a tanru), whereas the tertau is ckule.

This structure of tanru nested within tanru forms the basis for all the more complex types of selbri that will be explained below.

What about Example ? What does it mean?

ta cmalu nixli ckule

That is-a-small girl school.

The rules of Lojban do not leave this sentence ambiguous, as the rules of English do with Example . The choice made by the language designers is to say that Example means the same as Example . This is true no matter what three brivla are used: the leftmost two are always grouped together. This rule is called the “left-grouping rule”. Left-grouping in seemingly ambiguous structures is quite common – though not universal – in other contexts in Lojban.

Another way to express the English meaning of Example and Example , using parentheses to mark grouping, is:

ta cmalu [] nixli bo ckule

That is-a-small type-of (girl type-of school).

ta cmalu bo nixli [] ckule

That is-a-(small type-of girl) type-of school.

Because “type-of” is implicit in the Lojban tanru form, it has no Lojban equivalent.

Note: It is perfectly legal, though pointless, to insert bo into a simple tanru:

ta klama bo jubme

That is-a-goer [] table.

is a legal Lojban bridi that means exactly the same thing as Example , and is ambiguous in exactly the same ways. The cmavo bo serves only to resolve grouping ambiguity: it says nothing about the more basic ambiguity present in all tanru.

Complex tanru grouping

If one element of a tanru can be another tanru, why not both elements?

do mutce bo barda gerku bo kavbu

You are-a-(very type-of large) (dog type-of capturer).

You are a very large dog-catcher.

In Example , the selbri is a tanru with seltau

mutce bo barda and tertau

gerku bo kavbu. It is worth emphasizing once again that this tanru has the same fundamental ambiguity as all other Lojban tanru: the sense in which the “dog type-of capturer” is said to be “very type-of large” is not precisely specified. Presumably it is his body which is large, but theoretically it could be one of his other properties.

We will now justify the title of this chapter by exploring the ramifications of the phrase “pretty little girls' school”, an expansion of the tanru used in Section 6.2 to four brivla. (Although this example has been used in the Loglan Project almost since the beginning – it first appeared in Quine's book Word and Object (1960) – it is actually a mediocre example because of the ambiguity of English “pretty”; it can mean “beautiful”, the sense intended here, or it can mean “very”. Lojban melbi is not subject to this ambiguity: it means only “beautiful”.)

Here are four ways to group this phrase:

ta melbi cmalu nixli ckule

That is-a-((pretty type-of little) type-of girl) type-of school.

That is a school for girls who are beautifully small.

ta melbi cmalu nixli bo ckule

That is-a-(pretty type-of little) (girl type-of school).

That is a girls' school which is beautifully small.

ta melbi cmalu bo nixli ckule

That is-a-(pretty type-of (little type-of girl)) type-of school.

That is a school for small girls who are beautiful.

ta melbi cmalu bo nixli bo ckule

That is-a-pretty type-of (little type-of (girl type-of school)).

That is a small school for girls which is beautiful.

Example uses a construction which has not been seen before:

cmalu bo nixli bo ckule, with two consecutive uses of bo between brivla. The rule for multiple bo constructions is the opposite of the rule when no bo is present at all: the last two are grouped together. Not surprisingly, this is called the “right-grouping rule”, and it is associated with every use of

bo in the language. Therefore,

ta cmalu bo nixli bo ckule

That is-a-little type-of (girl type-of school).

means the same as Example , not Example . This rule may seem peculiar at first, but one of its consequences is that bo is never necessary between the first two elements of any of the complex tanru presented so far: all of Example through Example could have bo inserted between melbi and cmalu with no change in meaning.

Complex tanru with ke and ke'e

The following cmavo are discussed in this section:

ke

KE

description

ke'e

KEhE

description

There is, in fact, a fifth grouping of “pretty little girls' school” that cannot be expressed with the resources explained so far. To handle it, we must introduce the grouping parentheses cmavo, ke and ke'e (belonging to selma'o KE and KEhE respectively). Any portion of a selbri sandwiched between these two cmavo is taken to be a single tanru component, independently of what is adjacent to it. Thus, Example can be rewritten in any of the following ways:

ta ke melbi cmalu ke'e nixli ckule

That is-a-( pretty little ) girl school.

ta ke ke melbi cmalu ke'e nixli ke'e ckule

That is-a-( ( pretty little ) girl ) school.

ta ke ke ke melbi cmalu ke'e nixli ke'e ckule ke'e

That is-a-( ( ( pretty little ) girl ) school ).

Even more versions could be created simply by placing any number of ke cmavo at the beginning of the selbri, and a like number of ke'e cmavo at its end. Obviously, all of these are a waste of breath once the left-grouping rule has been grasped. However, the following is equivalent to Example and may be easier to understand:

ta melbi ke cmalu nixli ke'e ckule

That is-a-( pretty type-of ( little type-of girl ) ) type-of school.

Likewise, a ke and ke'e version of Example would be:

ta melbi cmalu ke nixli ckule [ke'e]

That is-a-(pretty type-of little) ( girl type-of school ).

The final ke'e is given in square brackets here to indicate that it can be elided. It is always possible to elide ke'e at the end of the selbri, making Example as terse as Example .

Now how about that fifth grouping? It is

ta melbi ke cmalu nixli ckule [ke'e]

That is-a-pretty type-of ( ( little type-of girl ) type-of school ).

That is a beautiful school for small girls.

Example is distinctly different in meaning from any of Examples 4.2 through 4.5. Note that within the ke…ke'e parentheses, the left-grouping rule is applied to

cmalu nixli ckule.

It is perfectly all right to mix bo and ke…ke'e in a single selbri. For instance, Example , which in pure ke…ke'e form is

ta melbi ke cmalu ke nixli ckule [ke'e] [ke'e]

That is-a-pretty type-of ( little type-of ( girl type-of school ) ).

can equivalently be expressed as:

ta melbi ke cmalu nixli bo ckule [ke'e]

That is-a-pretty type-of ( little type-of ( girl type-of school ) ).

and in many other different forms as well.

Logical connection within tanru

The following cmavo are discussed in this section:

je

JA

description

ja

JA

description

joi

JOI

description

gu'e

GUhA

description

gi

GI

description

Consider the English phrase “big red dog”. How shall this be rendered as a Lojban tanru? The naive attempt:

barda xunre gerku

(big type-of red) type-of dog

will not do, as it means a dog whose redness is big, in whatever way redness might be described as “big”. Nor is

barda xunre bo gerku

big type-of (red type-of dog)

much better. After all, the straightforward understanding of the English phrase is that the dog is big as compared with other dogs, not merely as compared with other red dogs. In fact, the bigness and redness are independent properties of the dog, and only obscure rules of English adjective ordering prevent us from saying “red big dog”.

The Lojban approach to this problem is to introduce the cmavo je, which is one of the many equivalents of English “and”. A big red dog is one that is both big and red, and we can say:

barda je xunre gerku

(big and red) type-of dog

Of course,

xunre je barda gerku

(red and big) type-of dog

is equally satisfactory and means the same thing. As these examples indicate, joining two brivla with je makes them a unit for tanru purposes. However, explicit grouping with bo or ke…ke'e associates brivla more closely than je does:

barda je pelxu bo xunre gerku

barda je ke pelxu xunre ke'e gerku

(big and (yellow type-of red)) dog

big yellowish-red dog

With no grouping indicators, we get:

barda je pelxu xunre gerku

((big and yellow) type-of red) type-of dog

biggish- and yellowish-red dog

which again raises the question of Example : what does “biggish-red” mean?

Unlike bo and ke…ke'e, je is useful as well as merely legal within simple tanru. It may be used to partly resolve the ambiguity of simple tanru:

ta blanu je zdani

that is-blue and is-a-house

definitely refers to something which is both blue and is a house, and not to any of the other possible interpretations of simple

blanu zdani. Furthermore,

blanu zdani refers to something which is blue in the way that houses are blue;

blanu je zdani has no such implication – the blueness of a

blanu je zdani is independent of its houseness.

With the addition of je, many more versions of “pretty little girls' school” are made possible: see Section 6.15 for a complete list.

A subtle point in the semantics of tanru like Example needs special elucidation. There are at least two possible interpretations of:

ta melbi je nixli ckule

That is-a-(beautiful and girl) type-of school.

It can be understood as:

That is a girls' school and a beautiful school.

or as:

That is a school for things which are both girls and beautiful.

The interpretation specified by Example treats the tanru as a sort of abbreviation for:

ta ke melbi ckule ke'e je ke nixli ckule [ke'e]

That is-a-( beautiful type-of school ) and ( girl type-of school )

whereas the interpretation specified by Example does not. This is a kind of semantic ambiguity for which Lojban does not compel a firm resolution. The way in which the school is said to be of type “beautiful and girl” may entail that it is separately a beautiful school and a girls' school; but the alternative interpretation, that the members of the school are beautiful and girls, is also possible. Still another interpretation is:

That is a school for beautiful things and also for girls.

so while the logical connectives help to resolve the meaning of tanru, they by no means compel a single meaning in and of themselves.

In general, logical connectives within tanru cannot undergo the formal manipulations that are possible with the related logical connectives that exist outside tanru; See Section for further details.

The logical connective je is only one of the fourteen logical connectives that Lojban provides. Here are a few examples of some of the others:

le bajra cu jinga ja te jinga

the runner(s) is/are winner(s) or loser(s).

blanu naja lenku skapi

(blue only-if cold) skin

skin which is blue only if it is cold

xamgu jo tordu nuntavla

(good if-and-only-if short) speech

speech which is good if (and only if) it is short

vajni ju pluka nuntavla

(important whether-or-not pleasing) event-of-talking

speech which is important, whether or not it is pleasing

In Example , ja is grammatically equivalent to je but means “or” (more precisely, “and/or”). Likewise, naja means “only if” in Example , jo means “if and only if” in Example , and ju means “whether or not” in Example .

Now consider the following example:

ricfu je blanu jabo crino

rich and (blue or green)

which illustrates a new grammatical feature: the use of both ja' and bo between tanru components. The two cmavo combine to form a compound whose meaning is that of ja but which groups more closely; ja'bo is to 'ja as plain bo is to no cmavo at all. However, both ja and ja'bo group less closely than bo does:

ricfu je blanu jabo crino bo blanu

rich and (blue or green - blue)

rich and (blue or greenish-blue)

An alternative form of Example is:

ricfu je ke blanu ja crino [ke'e]

rich and (blue or green)

In addition to the logical connectives, there are also a variety of non-logical connectives, grammatically equivalent to the logical ones. The only one with a well-understood meaning in tanru contexts is joi, which is the kind of “and” that denotes a mixture:

ti blanu joi xunre bolci

This is-a-(blue and red) ball.

The ball described is neither solely red nor solely blue, but probably striped or in some other way exhibiting a combination of the two colors. Example is distinct from:

ti blanu xunre bolci

This is a bluish-red ball

which would be a ball whose color is some sort of purple tending toward red, since xunre is the more important of the two components. On the other hand,

ti blanu je xunre bolci

This is a (blue and red) ball

is probably self-contradictory, seeming to claim that the ball is independently both blue and red at the same time, although some sensible interpretation may exist.

Finally, just as English “and” has the variant form “both ... and”, so je between tanru components has the variant form gu'e…gi, where gu'e is placed before the components and gi between them:

gu'e barda gi xunre gerku

(both big and red) type-of dog

is equivalent in meaning to Example . For each logical connective related to je, there is a corresponding connective related to gu'e…gi in a systematic way.

The portion of a gu'e…gi construction before the gi is a full selbri, and may use any of the selbri resources including je logical connections. After the gi, logical connections are taken to be wider in scope than the gu'e…gi, which has in effect the same scope as bo:

gu'e barda je xunre gi gerku ja mlatu

(both (big and red) and dog) or cat

something which is either big, red, and a dog, or else a cat

leaves mlatu outside the gu'e…gi construction. The scope of the gi arm extends only to a single brivla or to two or more brivla connected with bo or ke…ke'e.

Linked sumti: be-bei-be'o

The following cmavo are discussed in this section:

be

BE

description

bei

BEI

description

be'o

BEhO

description

The question of the place structures of selbri has been glossed over so far. This chapter does not attempt to treat place structure issues in detail; they are discussed in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch. One grammatical structure related to places belongs here, however. In simple sentences such as Example , the place structure of the selbri is simply the defined place structure of the gismumamta. What about more complex selbri?

For tanru, the place structure rule is simple: the place structure of a tanru is always the place structure of its tertau. Thus, the place structure of

blanu zdani is that of zdani: the x1 place is a house or nest, and the x2 place is its occupants.

What about the places of blanu? Is there any way to get them into the act? In fact, blanu has only one place, and this is merged, as it were, with the x1 place of zdani. It is whatever is in the x1 place that is being characterized as blue-for-a-house. But if we replace blanu with xamgu, we get:

ti xamgu zdani

This is-a-good house.

This is a good (for someone, by some standard) house.

Since xamgu has three places (x1, the good thing; x2, the person for whom it is good; and x3, the standard of goodness), Example necessarily omits information about the last two: there is no room for them. Room can be made, however!

ti xamgu be do bei mi [be'o] zdani

This is-a-good (for you by-standard me) house.

This is a house that is good for you by my standards.

Here, the gismu xamgu has been followed by the cmavo be (of selma'o BE), which signals that one or more sumti follows. These sumti are not part of the overall bridi place structure, but fill the places of the brivla they are attached to, starting with x2. If there is more than one sumti, they are separated by the cmavo bei (of selma'o BEI), and the list of sumti is terminated by the elidable terminator be'o (of selma'o BEhO).

Grammatically, a brivla with sumti linked to it in this fashion plays the same role in tanru as a simple brivla. To illustrate, here is a fully fleshed-out version of Example , with all places filled in:

ti cmalu be le ka canlu bei lo'e ckule be'o

This is a small (in-dimension the property-of volume by-standard the-typical school)

nixli be li mu bei lo merko be'o bo ckule

(girl (of-years the-number five by-standard some American-thing) school)

la bryklyn. loi pemci

in-Brooklyn with-subject poems

le mela nu,IORK. prenu le jecta

for-audience New-York persons with-operator the state.

This is a school, small in volume compared to the typical school, pertaining to five-year-old girls (by American standards), in Brooklyn, teaching poetry to the New York community and operated by the state.

Here the three places of cmalu, the three of nixli, and the four of ckule are fully specified. Since the places of ckule are the places of the bridi as a whole, it was not necessary to link the sumti which follow ckule. It would have been legal to do so, however:

mi klama be le zarci bei le zdani [be'o]

I go (to-the market from-the house).

means the same as

mi klama le zarci le zdani

I go to-the market from-the house.

No matter how complex a tanru gets, the last brivla always dictates the place structure: the place structure of

melbi je cmalu nixli bo ckule

a (pretty and little) (girl school)

a school for girls which is both beautiful and small

is simply that of ckule. (The sole exception to this rule is discussed in Section 6.7.)

It is possible to precede linked sumti by the place structure ordering tags fe, fi, fo, and fu (of selma'o FA, discussed further in Section ), which serve to explicitly specify the x2, x3, x4, and x5 places respectively. Normally, the place following the be is the x2 place and the other places follow in order. If it seems convenient to change the order, however, it can be accomplished as follows:

ti xamgu be fi mi bei fe do [be'o] zdani

This is-a-good ( by-standard me for you ) house.

which is equivalent in meaning to Example . Note that the order of be, bei, and be'o does not change; only the inserted fi tells us that mi is the x3 place (and correspondingly, the inserted fe tells us that do is the x2 place). Changing the order of sumti is often done to match the order of another language, or for emphasis or rhythm.

Of course, using FA cmavo makes it easy to specify one place while omitting a previous place:

ti xamgu be fi mi [be'o] zdani

This is-a-good (by-standard me) house.

This is a good house by my standards.

Similarly, sumti labeled by modal or tense tags can be inserted into strings of linked sumti just as they can into bridi:

ta blanu be ga'a mi [be'o] zdani

That is-a-blue (to-observer me) house.

That is a blue, as I see it, house.

The meaning of Example is slightly different from:

ta blanu zdani ga'a mi

That is-a-blue house to-observer me.

That is a blue house, as I see it.

See discussions in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch of modals and in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch of tenses for more explanations.

The terminator be'o is almost always elidable: however, if the selbri belongs to a description, then a relative clause following it will attach to the last linked sumti unless be'o is used, in which case it will attach to the outer description:

le xamgu be do noi barda cu zdani

The good-thing for you (who are-large) is-a-house.

le xamgu be do be'o noi barda cu zdani

The (good-thing for you) (which is-large) is-a-house

(Relative clauses are explained in Chapter 12.)

In other cases, however, be'o cannot be elided if ku has also been elided:

le xamgu be le ctuca [ku] be'o zdani

the good (for the teacher) house

requires either ku or be'o, and since there is only one occurrence of be, the be'o must match it, whereas it may be confusing which occurrence of le the ku terminates (in fact the second one is correct).

Inversion of tanru: co

The following cmavo is discussed in this section:

co

CO

description

The standard order of Lojban tanru, whereby the modifier precedes what it modifies, is very natural to English-speakers: we talk of “blue houses”, not of “houses blue”. In other languages, however, such matters are differently arranged, and Lojban supports this reverse order (tertau before seltau) by inserting the particle co. Example and Example mean exactly the same thing:

ta blanu zdani

That is-a-blue type-of-house.

That is a blue house.

ta zdani co blanu

That is-a-house of-type blue.

That is a blue house.

This change is called “tanru inversion”. In tanru inversion, the element before co ( zdani in Example ) is the tertau, and the element following co ( blanu) in Example ) is the seltau.

The meaning, and more specifically, the place structure, of a tanru is not affected by inversion: the place structure of

zdani co blanu is still that of zdani. However, the existence of inversion in a selbri has a very special effect on any sumti which follow that selbri. Instead of being interpreted as filling places of the selbri, they actually fill the places (starting with x2) of the seltau. In Section 6.6, we saw how to fill interior places with be…bei…be'o, and in fact Example and Example have the same meaning:

mi klama be le zarci bei le zdani be'o troci

I am-a-(goer to the market from the house) type-of trier.

I try to go to the market from the house.

mi troci co klama le zarci le zdani

I am-a-trier of-type (goer to-the market from-the house).

I try to go to the market from the house.

Example is a less deeply nested construction, requiring fewer cmavo. As a result it is probably easier to understand.

Note that in Lojban “trying to go” is expressed using troci as the tertau. The reason is that “trying to go” is a “going type of trying”, not a “trying type of going”. The trying is more fundamental than the going – if the trying fails, we may not have a going at all.

Any sumti which precede a selbri with an inverted tanru fill the places of the selbri (i.e., the places of the tertau) in the ordinary way. In Example , mi fills the x1 place of

troci co klama, which is the x1 place of troci. The other places of the selbri remain unfilled. The trailing sumti

le zarci and

le zdani do not occupy selbri places, despite appearances.

As a result, the regular mechanisms (involving selma'o VOhA and GOhI, explained in Chapter 10) for referring to individual sumti of a bridi cannot refer to any of the trailing places of Example , because they are not really “sumti of the bridi” at all.

When inverting a more complex tanru, it is possible to invert it only at the most general modifier-modified pair. The only possible inversion of Example , for instance, is:

ta nixli [bo] ckule co cmalu

That (is-a-girl type-of school) of-type little.

That's a girls' school which is small.

Note that the bo of Example is optional in Example , because co groups more loosely than any other cmavo used in tanru, including none at all. Not even ke…ke'e parentheses can encompass a co:

ta cmalu ke nixli ckule [ke'e] co melbi

That is-a-(little type-of (girl type-of school)) of-type pretty.

That's a small school for girls which is beautiful.

In Example , the ke'e is automatically inserted before the co rather than at its usual place at the end of the selbri. As a result, there is a simple and mechanical rule for removing co from any selbri: change “A co B” to “ke B ke'e A”. (At the same time, any sumti following the selbri must be transformed into be…bei…be'o form and attached following B.) Therefore,

ckule co melbi nixli

school of-type pretty girl

school for beautiful girls

means the same as:

ke melbi nixli ke'e ckule

(pretty girl) school

Multiple co cmavo can appear within a selbri, indicating multiple inversions: a right-grouping rule is employed, as for bo. The above rule can be applied to interpret such selbri, but all co cmavo must be removed simultaneously:

ckule co nixli co cmalu

school of-type (girl of-type little)

becomes formally

ke ke cmalu ke'e nixli ke'e ckule

( (little) girl ) school

which by the left-grouping rule is simply

cmalu nixli ckule

little girl school

school for little girls

As stated above, the selbri places, other than the first, of

mi klama co sutra

I am-a-goer of-type quick

I go quickly

cannot be filled by placing sumti after the selbri, because any sumti in that position fill the places of sutra, the seltau. However, the tertau places (which means in effect the selbri places) can be filled with be:

mi klama be le zarci be'o co sutra

I am-a-goer (to the store) of-type quick.

I go to the store quickly.

Other kinds of simple selbri

The following cmavo are discussed in this section:

go'i

GOhA

description

du

GOhA

description

nu'a

NUhA

description

moi

MOI

description

mei

MOI

description

nu

NU

description

kei

KEI

description

So far we have only discussed brivla and tanru built up from brivla as possible selbri. In fact, there are a few other constructions in Lojban which are grammatically equivalent to brivla: they can be used either directly as selbri, or as components in tanru. Some of these types of simple selbri are discussed at length in Chapter 10, Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch, and Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch; but for completeness these types are mentioned here with a brief explanation and an example of their use in selbri.

The cmavo of selma'o GOhA (with one exception) serve as pro-bridi, providing a reference to the content of other bridi; none of them has a fixed meaning. The most commonly used member of GOhA is probably go'i, which amounts to a repetition of the previous bridi, or part of it. If I say:

la djan. klama le zarci

John goes-to the market.

you may retort:

la djan. go'i troci

John [repeat last] are-a-tryer

John tries to.

Example is short for:

la djan. klama be le zarci be'o troci

John is-a-goer (to the market) type-of trier.

because the whole bridi of Example has been packaged up into the single word go'i and inserted into Example .

The exceptional member of GOhA is du, which represents the relation of identity. Its place structure is:

x1 is identical with x2, x3, ...

for as many places as are given. More information on selma'o GOhA is available in Chapter 10.

Lojban mathematical expressions (mekso) can be incorporated into selbri in two different ways. Mathematical operators such as su'i, meaning “plus”, can be transformed into selbri by prefixing them with nu'a (of selma'o NUhA). The resulting place structure is:

x1 is the result of applying (the operator) to arguments x2, x3, etc.

for as many arguments as are required. (The result goes in the x1 place because the number of following places may be indefinite.) For example:

li vo nu'a su'i li re li re

The-number 4 is-the-sum-of the-number 2 and-the-number 2.

A possible tanru example might be:

mi jimpe tu'a loi nu'a su'i nabmi

I understand something-about the-mass-of is-the-sum-of problems.

I understand addition problems.

More usefully, it is possible to combine a mathematical expression with a cmavo of selma'o MOI to create one of various numerical selbri. Details are available in Section . Here are a few tanru:

la prim. palvr. pamoi cusku

Preem Palver is-the-1-th speaker.

Preem Palver is the first speaker.

la an,iis. joi la .asun. bruna remei

Anyi massed-with Asun are-a-brother type-of-twosome.

Anyi and Asun are two brothers.

Finally, an important type of simple selbri which is not a brivla is the abstraction. Grammatically, abstractions are simple: a cmavo of selma'o NU, followed by a bridi, followed by the elidable terminator kei of selma'o KEI. Semantically, abstractions are an extremely subtle and powerful feature of Lojban whose full ramifications are documented in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch. A few examples:

ti nu zdile kei kumfa

This is-an-event-of amusement room.

This is an amusement room.

Example is quite distinct in meaning from:

ti zdile kumfa

This is-an-amuser room.

which suggests the meaning “a room that amuses someone”.

selbri based on sumti: me

The following cmavo are discussed in this section:

me

ME

description

me'u

MEhU

description

A sumti can be made into a simple selbri by preceding it with me (of selma'o ME) and following it with the elidable terminator me'u (of selma'o MEhU). This makes a selbri with the place structure

x1 is one of the referents of “[the sumti]”

which is true of the thing, or things, that are the referents of the sumti, and not of anything else. For example, consider the sumti

le ci nolraitru

the three noblest-governors

the three kings

If these are understood to be the Three Kings of Christian tradition, who arrive every year on January 6, then we may say:

la BALtazar. cu me le ci nolraitru

Balthazar is one-of-the-referents-of “the three kings”.

Balthazar is one of the three kings.

and likewise

la kaspar. cu me le ci nolraitru

Caspar is one of the three kings.

and

la melxi,or. cu me le ci nolraitru

Melchior is one of the three kings.

If the sumti refers to a single object, then the effect of me is much like that of du:

do du la djan.

You are-identical-with the-one-called “John”.

You are John.

means the same as

do me la djan.

You are-the-referent-of “the-one-called "John”".

You are John.

It is common to use me selbri, especially those based on name sumti using la, as seltau. For example:

ta me lai kraislr. [me'u] karce

That (is-a-referent of “the-mass-called "Chrysler"”) car.

That is a Chrysler car.

The elidable terminator me'u can usually be omitted. It is absolutely required only if the me selbri is being used in an indefinite description (a type of sumti explained in Section 8.7), and if the indefinite description is followed by a relative clause (explained in Chapter 12) or a sumti logical connective (explained in Section ). Without a me'u, the relative clause or logical connective would appear to belong to the sumti embedded in the me expression. Here is a contrasting pair of sentences:

re me le ci nolraitru .e la djan. [me'u] cu blabi

Two of the group “the three kings and John” are white.

re me le ci nolraitru me'u .e la djan. cu blabi

Two of the three kings, and John, are white.

In Example the me selbri covers the three kings plus John, and the indefinite description picks out two of them that are said to be white: we cannot say which two. In Example , though, the me selbri covers only the three kings: two of them are said to be white, and so is John.

Finally, here is another example requiring me'u:

ta me la'e le se cusku be do me'u cukta

That is-a-(what-you-said) type of book.

That is the kind of book you were talking about.

There are other sentences where either me'u or some other elidable terminator must be expressed:

le me le ci nolraitru [ku] me'u nunsalci

the (the three kings) type-of-event-of-celebrating

the Three Kings celebration

requires either ku or me'u to be explicit, and (as with be'o in Section 6.6) the me'u leaves no doubt which cmavo it is paired with.

Conversion of simple selbri

Conversion is the process of changing a selbri so that its places appear in a different order. This is not the same as labeling the sumti with the cmavo of FA, as mentioned in Section 6.6, and then rearranging the order in which the sumti are spoken or written. Conversion transforms the selbri into a distinct, though closely related, selbri with renumbered places.

In Lojban, conversion is accomplished by placing a cmavo of selma'o SE before the selbri:

mi prami do

I love you.

is equivalent in meaning to:

do se prami mi

You [swap x1 and x2] love me.

You are loved by me.

Conversion is fully explained in Section . For the purposes of this chapter, the important point about conversion is that it applies only to the following simple selbri. When trying to convert a tanru, therefore, it is necessary to be careful! Consider Example :

la .alis. cu cadzu klama le zarci

Alice is-a-walker type-of goer to-the market.

Alice walkingly goes to the market.

Alice walks to the market.

To convert this sentence so that

le zarci is in the x1 place, one correct way is:

le zarci cu se ke cadzu klama [ke'e] la .alis.

The market is-a-[swap x1/x2] (walker type-of goer) Alice.

The market is-walkingly gone-to by-Alice.

The ke…ke'e brackets cause the entire tanru to be converted by the se, which would otherwise convert only cadzu, leading to:

le zarci cu se cadzu klama la .alis.

The market (is-a-[swap x1/x2] walker) type-of goer to Alice.

The market is-a-walking-surface type-of goer to Alice.

whatever that might mean. An alternative approach, since the place structure of

cadzu klama is that of klama alone, is to convert only the latter:

le zarci cu cadzu se klama la .alis.

The market walkingly is-gone-to by-Alice.

But the tanru in Example may or may not have the same meaning as that in Example ; in particular, because cadzu is not converted, there is a suggestion that although Alice is the goer, the market is the walker. With a different sumti as x1, this seemingly odd interpretation might make considerable sense:

la djan. cu cadzu se klama la .alis

John walkingly is-gone-to by Alice

suggests that Alice is going to John, who is a moving target.

There is an alternative type of conversion, using the cmavo jai of selma'o JAI optionally followed by a modal or tense construction. Grammatically, such a combination behaves exactly like conversion using SE. More details can be found in Section .

Scalar negation of selbri

Negation is too large and complex a topic to explain fully in this chapter; See Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch. In brief, there are two main types of negation in Lojban. This section is concerned with so-called “scalar negation”, which is used to state that a true relation between the sumti is something other than what the selbri specifies. Scalar negation is expressed by cmavo of selma'o NAhE:

la .alis. cu na'e ke cadzu klama [ke'e] le zarci

Alice non- (walkingly goes) to-the market.

Alice other-than (walkingly goes) to-the market.

Alice doesn't walk to the market.

meaning that Alice's relationship to the market is something other than that of walking there. But if the ke were omitted, the result would be:

la .alis. cu na'e cadzu klama le zarci

Alice non- walkingly goes to-the market.

Alice doesn't walk to the market.

meaning that Alice does go there in some way ( klama is not negated), but by a means other than that of walking. Example negates both cadzu and klama, suggesting that Alice's relation to the market is something different from walkingly-going; it might be walking without going, or going without walking, or neither.

Of course, any of the simple selbri types explained in Section 6.8 may be used in place of brivla in any of these examples:

la djonz. cu na'e pamoi cusku

Jones is non-1st speaker

Jones is not the first speaker.

Since only pamoi is negated, an appropriate inference is that he is some other kind of speaker.

Here is an assortment of more complex examples showing the interaction of scalar negation with bo grouping, ke and ke'e grouping, logical connection, and sumti linked with be and bei:

mi na'e sutra cadzu be fi le birka be'o klama le zarci

I ( (non-quickly) ( walking using the arms) ) go-to the market.

I go to the market, walking using my arms other than quickly.

In Example , na'e negates only sutra. Contrast Example :

mi na'e ke sutra cadzu be fi le birka [be'o] ke'e klama le zarci

I non- ( quickly (walking using the arms) ) go-to the market.

I go to the market, other than by walking quickly on my arms.

Now consider Example and Example , which are equivalent in meaning, but use ke grouping and bo grouping respectively:

mi sutra cadzu be fi le birka be'o je masno klama le zarci

I (quickly – (walking using the arms) and slowly) go-to the market.

I go to the market, both quickly walking using my arms and slowly.

mi ke sutra cadzu be fi le birka [be'o] ke'e je masno klama le zarci

I ( (quickly (walking using the arms) ) and slowly) go-to the market.

I go to the market, both quickly walking using my arms and slowly.

However, if we place a na'e at the beginning of the selbri in both Example and Example , we get different results:

mi na'e sutra cadzu be fi le birka be'o je masno klama le zarci

I ( (non- quickly) - (walking using the arms) and slowly) go-to the market.

I go to the market, both walking using my arms other than quickly, and also slowly.

mi na'e ke sutra cadzu be fi le birka [be'o] ke'e je masno klama le zarci

I (non-(quickly (walking using the arms) ) and slowly) go-to the market.

I go to the market, both other than quickly walking using my arms, and also slowly.

The difference arises because the na'e in Example negates the whole construction from ke to ke'e, whereas in Example it negates sutra alone.

Beware of omitting terminators in these complex examples! If the explicit ke'e is left out in Example , it is transformed into:

mi na'e ke sutra cadzu be fi le birka be'o je masno klama [ke'e] le zarci

I non-(quickly ( (walking using the arms) ) and slowly) go-to) the market.

I do something other than quickly both going to the market walking

using my arms and slowly going to the market.

And if both ke'e and be'o are omitted, the results are even sillier:

mi na'e ke sutra cadzu be fi le birka je masno klama [be'o] [ke'e] le zarci

I non-(quickly walk on my (arm-type and slow) goers) on the market.

I do something other than quickly walking using the goers, both arm-type and slow, relative-to the market.

In Example , everything after be is a linked sumti, so the place structure is that of cadzu, whose x2 place is the surface walked upon. It is less than clear what an “arm-type goer” might be. Furthermore, since the x3 place has been occupied by the linked sumti, the

le zarci following the selbri falls into the nonexistent x4 place of cadzu. As a result, the whole example, though grammatical, is complete nonsense. (The bracketed Lojban words appear where a fluent Lojbanist would understand them to be implied.)

Finally, it is also possible to place na'e before a gu'e…gi logically connected tanru construction. The meaning of this usage has not yet been firmly established.

Tenses and bridi negation

A bridi can have cmavo associated with it which specify the time, place, or mode of action. For example, in

mi pu klama le zarci

I [past] go to-the market.

I went to the market.

the cmavo pu specifies that the action of the speaker going to the market takes place in the past. Tenses are explained in full detail in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch. Tense is semantically a property of the entire bridi; however, the usual syntax for tenses attaches them at the front of the selbri, as in Example . There are alternative ways of expressing tense information as well. Modals, which are explained in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch, behave in the same way as tenses.

Similarly, a bridi may have the particle na (of selma'o NA) attached to the beginning of the selbri to negate the bridi. A negated bridi expresses what is false without saying anything about what is true. Do not confuse this usage with the scalar negation of Section 6.11. For example:

la djonz. na pamoi cusku

Jones (Not!) is-the-first speaker

It is not true that Jones is the first speaker.

Jones isn't the first speaker.

Jones may be the second speaker, or not a speaker at all; Example doesn't say. There are other ways of expressing bridi negation as well; the topic is explained fully in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch.

Various combinations of tense and bridi negation cmavo are permitted. If both are expressed, either order is permissible with no change in meaning:

mi na pu klama le zarci

mi pu na klama le zarci

It is false that I went to the market.

I didn't go to the market.

It is also possible to have more than one na, in which case pairs of na cmavo cancel out:

mi na na klama le zarci

It is false that it is false that I go to the market.

I go to the market.

It is even possible, though somewhat pointless, to have multiple na cmavo and tense cmavo mixed together, subject to the limitation that two adjacent tense cmavo will be understood as a compound tense, and must fit the grammar of tenses as explained in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch.

mi na pu na ca klama le zarci

I [not] [past] [not] [present] go to-the market

It is not the case that in the past it was not the case that in the present I went to the market.

I didn't not go to the market.

I went to the market.

Tense, modal, and negation cmavo can appear only at the beginning of the selbri. They cannot be embedded within it.

Some types of asymmetrical tanru

This section and Section 6.14 contain some example tanru classified into groups based on the type of relationship between the modifying seltau and the modified tertau. All the examples are paralleled by compounds actually observed in various natural languages. In the tables which follow, each group is preceded by a brief explanation of the relationship. The tables themselves contain a tanru, a literal gloss, an indication of the languages which exhibit a compound analogous to this tanru, and (for those tanru with no English parallel) a translation.

Here are the 3-letter abbreviations used for the various languages (it is presumed to be obvious whether a compound is found in English or not, so English is not explicitly noted):

Aba

Abazin

Chi

Chinese

Ewe

Ewe

Fin

Finnish

Geo

Georgian

Gua

Guarani

Hop

Hopi

Hun

Hungarian

Imb

Imbabura Quechua

Kar

Karaitic

Kaz

Kazakh

Kor

Korean

Mon

Mongolian

Qab

Qabardian

Que

Quechua

Rus

Russian

Skt

Sanskrit

Swe

Swedish

Tur

Turkish

Udm

Udmurt

Any lujvo or fu'ivla used in a group are glossed at the end of that group.

The tanru discussed in this section are asymmetrical tanru; that is, ones in which the order of the terms is fundamental to the meaning of the tanru. For example,

junla dadysli, or “clock pendulum”, is the kind of pendulum used in a clock, whereas

dadysli junla, or “pendulum clock”, is the kind of clock that employs a pendulum. Most tanru are asymmetrical in this sense. Symmetrical tanru are discussed in Section 6.14.

The tertau represents an action, and the seltau then represents the object of that action: <tab class=wikitable header=true>pinsi nunkilbra pencil sharpener Hun zgike nunctu music instruction Hun mirli nunkalte deer hunting Hun finpe nunkalte fish hunting Tur,Kor,Udm,Aba fishing smacu terkavbu mousetrap Tur,Kor,Hun,Udm,Aba zdani turni house ruler Kar host zerle'a nunte'a thief fear Skt fear of thieves cevni zekri god crime Skt offense against the gods </tab>

nunkilbra

sharpness-apparatus

nunctu

event-of-teaching

nunkalte

event-of-hunting

terkavbu

trap

zerle'a

crime-taker

nunte'a

event-of-fearing

The tertau represents a set, and the seltau the type of the elements contained in that set: <tab class=wikitable header=true> zdani lijgri house row selci lamgri cell block karda mulgri card pack Swe rokci derxi stone heap Swe tadni girzu student group Hun remna girzu human-being group Qab group of people cpumi'i lijgri tractor column Qab cevni jenmi god army Skt cevni prenu god folk Skt </tab>

lijgri

line-group

lamgri

adjacent-group

mulgri

complete-group

cpumi'i

pull-machine

Conversely: the tertau is an element, and the seltau represents a set in which that element is contained. Implicitly, the meaning of the tertau is restricted from its usual general meaning to the specific meaning appropriate for elements in the given set. Note the opposition between

zdani linji in the previous group, and

linji zdani in this one, which shows why this kind of tanru is called “asymmetrical”.

<tab class=wikitable header=true> carvi dirgo raindrop Tur,Kor,Hun,Udm,Aba linji zdani row house </tab> The seltau specifies an object and the tertau a component or detail of that object; the tanru as a whole refers to the detail, specifying that it is a detail of that whole and not some other. <tab class=wikitable header=true> junla dadysli clock pendulum Hun purdi vorme garden door Qab purdi bitmu garden wall Que moklu skapi mouth skin Imb lips nazbi kevna nose hole Imb nostril karce xislu automobile wheel Chi jipci pimlu chicken feather Chi vinji rebla airplane tail Chi </tab>

dadysli

hang-oscillator

Conversely: the seltau specifies a characteristic or important detail of the object described by the tertau; objects described by the tanru as a whole are differentiated from other similar objects by this detail. <tab class=wikitable header=true> pixra cukta picture book kerfa silka hair silk Kar velvet plise tapla apple cake Tur dadysli junla pendulum clock Hun </tab>

dadysli

hang-oscillator

The tertau specifies a general class of object (a genus), and the seltau specifies a sub-class of that class (a species): <tab class=wikitable header=true> ckunu tricu pine tree Hun,Tur,Hop </tab> The tertau specifies an object of possession, and the seltau may specify the possessor (the possession may be intrinsic or otherwise). In English, these compounds have an explicit possessive element in them: “lion's mane”, “child's foot”, “noble's cow”. <tab class=wikitable header=true> cinfo kerfa lion mane Kor,Tur,Hun,Udm,Qab verba jamfu child foot Swe nixli tuple girl leg Swe cinfo jamfu lion foot Que danlu skapi animal skin Ewe ralju zdani chief house Ewe jmive munje living world Skt nobli bakni noble cow Skt nolraitru ralju king chief Skt emperor </tab>

nolraitru

nobly-superlative-ruler

The tertau specifies a habitat, and the seltau specifies the inhabitant: <tab class=wikitable header=true> lanzu tumla family land </tab> The tertau specifies a causative agent, and the seltau specifies the effect of that cause: <tab class=wikitable header=true> kalselvi'i gapci tear gas Hun terbi'a jurme disease germ Tur fenki litki crazy liquid Hop whisky pinca litki urine liquid Hop beer </tab>

kalselvi'i

eye-excreted-thing

terbi'a

disease

Conversely: the tertau specifies an effect, and the seltau specifies its cause. <tab class=wikitable header=true> djacu barna water mark Chi </tab> The tertau specifies an instrument, and the seltau specifies the purpose of that instrument: <tab class=wikitable header=true> taxfu dadgreku garment rack Chi tergu'i ti'otci lamp shade Chi xirma zdani horse house Chi stall nuzba tanbo news board Chi bulletin board </tab>

dadgreku

hang-frame

tergu'i

source of illumination

ti'otci

shadow-tool

More vaguely: the tertau specifies an instrument, and the seltau specifies the object of the purpose for which that instrument is used: <tab class=wikitable header=true> cpina rokci pepper stone Que stone for grinding pepper jamfu djacu foot water Skt water for washing the feet grana mudri post wood Skt wood for making a post moklu djacu mouth water Hun water for washing the mouth lanme gerku sheep dog dog for working sheep </tab> The tertau specifies a product from some source, and the seltau specifies the source of the product: <tab class=wikitable header=true> moklu djacu mouth water Aba,Qab saliva ractu mapku rabbit hat Rus jipci sovda chicken egg Chi sikcurnu silka silkworm silk Chi mlatu kalci cat feces Chi bifce lakse bee wax Chi beeswax cribe rectu bear meat Tur,Kor,Hun,Udm,Aba solxrula grasu sunflower oil Tur,Kor,Hun,Udm,Aba bifce jisra bee juice Hop honey tatru litki breast liquid Hop milk kanla djacu eye water Kor tear </tab>

sikcurnu

silk-worm

solxrula

solar-flower

Conversely: the tertau specifies the source of a product, and the seltau specifies the product: <tab class=wikitable header=true> silna jinto salt well Chi kolme terkakpa coal mine Chi ctile jinto oil well Chi </tab>

terkakpa

source of digging

The tertau specifies an object, and the seltau specifies the material from which the object is made. This case is especially interesting, because the referent of the tertau may normally be made from just one kind of material, which is then overridden in the tanru. <tab class=wikitable header=true> rokci cinfo stone lion snime nanmu snow man Hun kliti cipni clay bird blaci kanla glass eye Hun blaci kanla glass eye Que spectacles solji sicni gold coin Tur solji junla gold watch Tur,Kor,Hun solji djine gold ring Udm,Aba,Que rokci zdani stone house Imb mudri zdani wood house Ewe wooden house rokci bitmu stone wall Ewe solji carce gold chariot Skt mudri xarci wood weapon Skt wooden weapon cmaro'i dargu pebble road Chi sudysrasu cutci straw shoe Chi </tab>

cmaro'i

small-rock

sudysrasu

dry-grass

Note: the two senses of

blaci kanla can be discriminated as:

<tab class=wikitable header=true> blaci kanla bo tarmi glass (eye shape) glass eye blaci kanla bo sidju glass (eye helper) spectacles </tab> The tertau specifies a typical object used to measure a quantity and the seltau specifies something measured. The tanru as a whole refers to a given quantity of the thing being measured. English does not have compounds of this form, as a rule. <tab class=wikitable header=true> tumla spisa land piece Tur piece of land tcati kabri tea cup Kor,Aba cup of tea nanba spisa bread piece Kor piece of bread bukpu spisa cloth piece Udm,Aba piece of cloth djacu calkyguzme water calabash Ewe calabash of water </tab>

calkyguzme

shell-fruit, calabash

The tertau specifies an object with certain implicit properties, and the seltau overrides one of those implicit properties: <tab class=wikitable header=true> kensa bloti spaceship bakni verba cattle child Ewe calf </tab> The seltau specifies a whole, and the tertau specifies a part which normally is associated with a different whole. The tanru then refers to a part of the seltau which stands in the same relationship to the whole seltau as the tertau stands to its typical whole. <tab class=wikitable header=true> kosta degji coat finger Hun coat sleeve denci genja tooth root Imb tricu stedu tree head Imb treetop </tab> The tertau specifies the producer of a certain product, and the seltau specifies the product. In this way, the tanru as a whole distinguishes its referents from other referents of the tertau which do not produce the product. <tab class=wikitable header=true> silka curnu silkworm Tur,Hun,Aba </tab> The tertau specifies an object, and the seltau specifies another object which has a characteristic property. The tanru as a whole refers to those referents of the tertau which possess the property. <tab class=wikitable header=true> sonci manti soldier ant ninmu bakni woman cattle Imb cow mamta degji mother finger Imb thumb cifnu degji baby finger Imb pinky pacraistu zdani hell house Skt fagri dapma fire curse Skt curse destructive as fire </tab>

pacraistu

evil-superlative-site

As a particular case (when the property is that of resemblance): the seltau specifies an object which the referent of the tanru resembles. <tab class=wikitable header=true> grutrceraso jbama cherry bomb solji kerfa gold hair Hun golden hair kanla djacu eye water Kar spring bakni rokci bull stone Mon boulder </tab>

grutrceraso

fu'ivla for “cherry” based on Linnean name

The seltau specifies a place, and the tertau an object characteristically located in or at that place. <tab class=wikitable header=true> ckana boxfo bed sheet Chi mrostu mojysu'a tomb monument Chi tombstone jubme tergusni table lamp Chi foldi smacu field mouse Chi briju ci'ajbu office desk Chi rirxe xirma river horse Chi hippopotamus xamsi gerku sea dog Chi seal cagyce'u zdani village house Skt </tab>

mrostu

dead-site

mojysu'a

remember-structure

ci'ajbu

write-table

cagyce'u

farm-community

Specifically: the tertau is a place where the seltau is sold or made available to the public. <tab class=wikitable header=true> cidja barja food bar Chi restaurant cukta barja book bar Chi library </tab> The seltau specifies the locus of application of the tertau. <tab class=wikitable header=true> kanla velmikce eye medicine Chi jgalu grasu nail oil Chi nail polish denci pesxu tooth paste Chi </tab>

velmikce

treatment used by doctor

The tertau specifies an implement used in the activity denoted by the seltau. <tab class=wikitable header=true> me la pinpan. bolci Ping-Pong ball Chi </tab> The tertau specifies a protective device against the undesirable features of the referent of the seltau. <tab class=wikitable header=true> carvi mapku rain cap Chi carvi taxfu rain garment Chi raincoat vindu firgai poison mask Chi gas mask </tab>

firgai

face-cover

The tertau specifies a container characteristically used to hold the referent of the seltau. <tab class=wikitable header=true> cukta vasru book vessel Chi satchel vanju kabri wine cup Chi spatrkoka lanka coca basket Que rismi dakli rice bag Ewe,Chi tcati kabri tea cup Chi ladru botpi milk bottle Chi rismi patxu rice pot Chi festi lante trash can Chi bifce zdani bee house Kor beehive cladakyxa'i zdani sword house Kor sheath manti zdani ant nest Gua anthill </tab>

spatrkoka

fu'ivla for “coca”

cladakyxa'i

(long-knife)-weapon

The seltau specifies the characteristic time of the event specified by the tertau. <tab class=wikitable header=true> vensa djedi spring day Chi crisa citsi summer season Chi cerni bumru morning fog Chi critu lunra autumn moon Chi dunra nicte winter night Chi nicte ckule night school Chi </tab> The seltau specifies a source of energy for the referent of the tertau. <tab class=wikitable header=true> dikca tergusni electric lamp Chi ratni nejni atom energy Chi brife molki windmill Tur,Kor,Hun,Udm,Aba </tab>

tergusni

illumination-source

Finally, some tanru which don't fall into any of the above categories. <tab class=wikitable header=true> ladru denci milk tooth Tur,Hun,Udm,Qab kanla denci eye tooth </tab> It is clear that “tooth” is being specified, and that “milk” and “eye” act as modifiers. However, the relationship between ladru and denci is something like “tooth which one has when one is drinking milk from one's mother”, a relationship certainly present nowhere except in this particular concept. As for

kanla denci, the relationship is not only not present on the surface, it is hardly possible to formulate it at all.

Some types of symmetrical tanru

This section deals with symmetrical tanru, where order is not important. Many of these tanru can be expressed with a logical or non-logical connective between the components.

The tanru may refer to things which are correctly specified by both tanru components. Some of these instances may also be seen as asymmetrical tanru where the seltau specifies a material. The connective je is appropriate: <tab class=wikitable header=true> cipnrstrigi pacru'i owl demon Skt nolraitru prije royal sage Skt remna nakni human-being male Qab man remna fetsi human-being female Qab woman sonci tolvri soldier coward Que panzi nanmu offspring man Ewe son panzi ninmu offspring woman Ewe daughter solji sicni gold coin Tur solji junla gold watch Tur,Kor,Hun solji djine gold ring Udm,Aba,Que rokci zdani stone house Imb mudri zdani wooden house Ewe rokci bitmu stone wall Ewe solji carce gold chariot Skt mudri xarci wooden weapon Skt zdani tcadu home town Chi </tab>

cipnrstrigi

fu'ivla for “owl” based on Linnean name

pacru'i

evil-spirit

tolvri

opposite-of-brave

The tanru may refer to all things which are specified by either of the tanru components. The connective ja is appropriate: <tab class=wikitable header=true> nunji'a nunterji'a victory defeat Skt victory or defeat donri nicte day night Skt day and night lunra tarci moon stars Skt moon and stars patfu mamta father mother Imb,Kaz,Chi parents tuple birka leg arm Kaz extremity nuncti nunpinxe eating drinking Udm cuisine bersa tixnu son daughter Chi children </tab>

nunji'a

event-of-winning

nunterji'a

event-of-losing

nuncti

event-of-eating

nunpinxe

event-of-drinking

Alternatively, the tanru may refer to things which are specified by either of the tanru components or by some more inclusive class of things which the components typify: <tab class=wikitable header=true> curnu jalra worm beetle Mon insect jalra curnu beetle worm Mon insect kabri palta cup plate Kaz crockery jipci gunse hen goose Qab housefowl xrula tricu flower tree Chi vegetation </tab> The tanru components specify crucial or typical parts of the referent of the tanru as a whole: <tab class=wikitable header=true> tumla vacri land air Fin world moklu stedu mouth head Aba face sudysrasu cunmi hay millet Qab agriculture gugde ciste state system Mon politics prenu so'imei people multitude Mon masses djacu dertu water earth Chi climate </tab>

sudysrasu

dry-grass

so'imei

manysome

“Pretty little girls' school”: forty ways to say it

The following examples show every possible grouping arrangement of

'melbi cmalu nixli ckule using bo or ke…ke'e for grouping and je or je'bo for logical connection. Most of these are definitely not plausible interpretations of the English phrase “pretty little girls' school”, especially those which describe something which is both a girl and a school.

Examples Example , Example , Example , Example , and Example are repeated here as Examples Example , Example , Example , Example , and Example respectively. The seven examples following each of these share the same grouping pattern, but differ in the presence or absence of je at each possible site. Some of the examples have more than one Lojban version. In that case, they differ only in grouping mechanism, and are always equivalent in meaning.

The logical connective je is associative: that is, “A and (B and C)” is the same as “(A and B) and C”. Therefore, some of the examples have the same meaning as others. In particular, Example , Example , Example , Example , and Example all have the same meaning because all four brivla are logically connected and the grouping is simply irrelevant. Other equivalent forms are noted in the examples themselves. However, if je were replaced by naja or jo or most of the other logical connectives, the meanings would become distinct.

It must be emphasized that, because of the ambiguity of all tanru, the English translations are by no means definitive – they represent only one possible interpretation of the corresponding Lojban sentence.

melbi cmalu nixli ckule

((pretty type-of little) type-of girl) type-of school

school for girls who are beautifully small

melbi je cmalu nixli ckule

((pretty and little) type-of girl) type-of school

school for girls who are beautiful and small

melbi bo cmalu je nixli ckule

((pretty type-of little) and girl) type-of school

school for girls and for beautifully small things

ke melbi cmalu nixli ke'e je ckule

((pretty type-of little) type-of girl) and school

thing which is a school and a beautifully small girl

melbi je cmalu je nixli ckule

((pretty and little) and girl) type-of school

school for things which are beautiful, small, and girls

Note: same as Example

melbi bo cmalu je nixli je ckule

((pretty type-of little) and girl) and school

thing which is beautifully small, a school, and a girl

Note: same as Example

ke melbi je cmalu nixli ke'e je ckule

((pretty and little) type-of girl) and school

thing which is a school and a girl who is both beautiful and small

melbi je cmalu je nixli je ckule

((pretty and little) and girl) and school

thing which is beautiful, small, a girl, and a school

melbi cmalu nixli bo ckule

(pretty type-of little) type-of (girl type-of school)

girls' school which is beautifully small

melbi je cmalu nixli bo ckule

(pretty and little) type-of (girl type-of school)

girls' school which is beautiful and small

melbi cmalu nixli je ckule

(pretty type-of little) type-of (girl and school)

something which is a girl and a school which is beautifully small

melbi bo cmalu je nixli bo ckule

(pretty type-of little) and (girl type-of school)

something which is beautifully small and a girls' school

melbi je cmalu nixli je ckule

(pretty and little) type-of (girl and school)

a pretty and little type of thing which is both a girl and a school

melbi bo cmalu je nixli jebo ckule

(pretty type-of little) and (girl and school)

thing which is beautifully small, a school, and a girl

Note: same as Example

melbi jebo cmalu je nixli bo ckule

(pretty and little) and (girl type-of school)

thing which is beautiful and small and a girl's school

Note: same as Example

melbi jebo cmalu je nixli jebo ckule

(pretty and little) and (girl and school)

thing which is beautiful, small, a girl, and a school

melbi cmalu bo nixli ckule

(pretty type-of (little type-of girl)) type-of school

school for beautiful girls who are small

melbi cmalu je nixli ckule

(pretty type-of (little and girl)) type-of school

school for beautiful things which are small and are girls

melbi je cmalu bo nixli ckule

(pretty and (little type-of girl)) type-of school

school for things which are beautiful and are small girls

ke melbi cmalu bo nixli ke'e je ckule

melbi bo cmalu bo nixli je ckule

(pretty type-of (little type-of girl)) and school

thing which is a school and a small girl who is beautiful

melbi je cmalu jebo nixli ckule

(pretty and (little and girl)) type-of school

school for things which are beautiful, small, and girls

Note: same as Example

melbi je cmalu bo nixli je ckule

(pretty and (little type-of girl)) and school

thing which is beautiful, a small girl, and a school

Note: same as Example

ke melbi cmalu je nixli ke'e je ckule

(pretty type-of (little and girl)) and school

thing which is beautifully small, a beautiful girl, and a school

melbi je cmalu jebo nixli je ckule

(pretty and (little and girl)) and school

thing which is beautiful, small, a girl, and a school

melbi cmalu bo nixli bo ckule

melbi ke cmalu ke nixli ckule [ke'e] [ke'e]

pretty type-of (little type-of (girl type-of school))

small school for girls which is beautiful

melbi ke cmalu nixli je ckule [ke'e]

pretty type-of (little type-of (girl and school))

small thing, both a girl and a school, which is beautiful

melbi cmalu je nixli bo ckule

pretty type-of (little and (girl type-of school))

thing which is beautifully small and a girls' school that is beautiful

melbi je cmalu bo nixli bo ckule

melbi je ke cmalu nixli bo ckule [ke'e]

melbi je ke cmalu ke nixli ckule [ke'e] [ke'e]

pretty and (little type-of (girl type-of school))

thing which is beautiful and a small type of girls' school

melbi cmalu je nixli jebo ckule

melbi cmalu je ke nixli je ckule [ke'e]

pretty type-of (little and (girl and school))

thing which is beautifully small, a beautiful girl, and a beautiful school

Note: same as Example

melbi je cmalu jebo nixli bo ckule

melbi je ke cmalu je nixli bo ckule [ke'e]

pretty and (little and (girl type-of school))

thing which is beautiful, small and a girls' school

Note: same as Example

melbi je ke cmalu nixli je ckule [ke'e]

pretty and (little type-of (girl and school))

beautiful thing which is a small girl and a small school

melbi jebo cmalu jebo nixli jebo ckule

pretty and (little and (girl and school))

thing which is beautiful, small, a girl, and a school

melbi ke cmalu nixli ckule [ke'e]

pretty type-of ((little type-of girl) type-of school)

beautiful school for small girls

melbi ke cmalu je nixli ckule [ke'e]

pretty type-of ((little and girl) type-of school

beautiful school for things which are small and are girls

melbi ke cmalu bo nixli je ckule [ke'e]

pretty type-of ((little type-of girl) and school)

beautiful thing which is a small girl and a school

melbi je ke cmalu nixli ckule [ke'e]

pretty and ((little type-of girl) type-of school)

thing which is beautiful and a school for small girls

melbi cmalu je nixli je ckule

pretty type-of ((little and girl) and school)

thing which is beautifully small, a beautiful girl, and a beautiful school

Note: same as Example

melbi je ke cmalu bo nixli je ckule [ke'e]

pretty and ((little type-of girl) and school)

thing which is beautiful, a small girl and a school

Note: same as Example

melbi je ke cmalu je nixli ckule [ke'e]

pretty and ((little and girl) type-of school)

thing which is beautiful and is a small school and a girls' school

melbi je ke cmalu je nixli je ckule [ke'e]

pretty and ((little and girl) and school)

thing which is beautiful, small, a girl, and a school

Sumti (nouns)

The five kinds of simple sumti

If you understand anything about Lojban, you know what a sumti is by now, right? An argument, one of those things that fills the places of simple Lojban sentences like:

mi klama le zarci

I go-to the market

In Example , mi and

le zarci are the sumti. It is easy to see that these two sumti are not of the same kind: mi is a pro-sumti (the Lojban analogue of a pronoun) referring to the speaker, whereas

le zarci is a description which refers to something described as being a market.

There are five kinds of simple sumti provided by Lojban:

• descriptions like

le zarci, which usually begin with a descriptor (called a gadri in Lojban) such as

le;

• pro-sumti, such as mi;
• names, such as

la lojban., which usually begin with la;

• quotations, which begin with lu, le'u, zo, or zoi;
• pure numbers, which usually begin with li.

Here are a few examples of each kind of sumti:

e'osai ko sarji la lojban.

Please support Lojban!

Example exhibits ko, a pro-sumti; and

la lojban., a name.

mi cusku lu e'osai li'u le tcidu

I express “Please!” to-the reader.

     Example  exhibits mi, a pro-sumti; 

lu e'osai li'u, a quotation; and

le tcidu, a description.

ti mitre li ci

This measures-in-meters the-number three.

This is three meters long.

 Example  exhibits ti, a pro-sumti; and 

li ci, a number.

Most of this chapter is about descriptions, as they have the most complicated syntax and usage. Some attention is also given to names, which are closely interwoven with descriptions. Pro-sumti, numbers, and quotations are described in more detail in Chapter 10, Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch, and Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch respectively, so this chapter only gives summaries of their forms and uses. See Section 8.12 through Section 8.14 for these summaries.

The three basic description types

The following cmavo are discussed in this section:

le

LE

description

lo

LE

description

la

LA

description

ku

KU

description

The syntax of descriptions is fairly complex, and not all of it can be explained within the confines of this chapter: relative clauses, in particular, are discussed in Chapter 12. However, most descriptions have just two components: a descriptor belonging to selma'o LE or LA, and a selbri. (The difference between selma'o LE and selma'o LA is not important until Section 8.11.) Furthermore, the selbri is often just a single brivla. Here is an elementary example:

le zarci

one-or-more-specific-things-each-of-which-I-describe-as being-a-market

the market

The long gloss for le is of course far too long to use most of the time, and in fact le is quite close in meaning to English “the”. It has particular implications, however, which “the” does not have.

The general purpose of all descriptors is to create a sumti which might occur in the x1 place of the selbri belonging to the description. Thus

le zarci conveys something which might be found in the x1 place of zarci, namely a market.

The specific purpose of le is twofold. First, it indicates that the speaker has one or more specific markets in mind (whether or not the listener knows which ones they are). Second, it also indicates that the speaker is merely describing the things he or she has in mind as markets, without being committed to the truth of that description.

le zarci cu barda

One-or-more-specific-things-which-I-describe as “markets” is/are-big.

The market is big.

The markets are big.

Note that English-speakers must state whether a reference to markets is to just one ( “the market”) or to more than one ( “the markets”). Lojban requires no such forced choice, so both colloquial translations of Example are valid. Only the context can specify which is meant. (This rule does not mean that Lojban has no way of specifying the number of markets in such a case: that mechanism is explained in Section 8.6.)

Now consider the following strange-looking example:

le nanmu cu ninmu

One-or-more-specific-things-which-I-describe as “men” are women.

The man is a woman.

The men are women.

Example is not self-contradictory in Lojban, because

le nanmu merely means something or other which, for my present purposes, I choose to describe as a man, whether or not it really is a man. A plausible instance would be: someone we had assumed to be a man at a distance turned out to be actually a woman on closer observation. Example is what I would say to point out my observation to you.

In all descriptions with le, the listener is presumed to either know what I have in mind or else not to be concerned at present (perhaps I will give more identifying details later). In particular, I might be pointing at the supposed man or men: Example would then be perfectly intelligible, since

le nanmu merely clarifies that I am pointing at the supposed man, not at a landscape, or a nose, which happens to lie in the same direction.

The second descriptor dealt with in this section is lo. Unlike le, lo is nonspecific:

lo zarci

one-or-more-of-all-the-things-which-really are-markets

a market

some markets

Again, there are two colloquial English translations. The effect of using lo in Example is to refer generally to one or more markets, without being specific about which. Unlike

le zarci,

lo zarci must refer to something which actually is a market (that is, which can appear in the x1 place of a truthful bridi whose selbri is zarci). Thus

lo nanmu cu ninmu

Some man is a woman.

Some men are women.

must be false in Lojban, given that there are no objects in the real world which are both men and women. Pointing at some specific men or women would not make Example true, because those specific individuals are no more both-men-and-women than any others. In general, lo refers to whatever individuals meet its description.

The last descriptor of this section is la, which indicates that the selbri which follows it has been dissociated from its normal meaning and is being used as a name. Like le descriptions, la descriptions are implicitly restricted to those I have in mind. (Do not confuse this use of la with its use before regular Lojbanized names, which is discussed in Section 8.11.) For example:

la cribe pu finti le lisri

The-one-named “bear” [past] creates the story.

Bear wrote the story.

In Example ,

la cribe refers to someone whose naming predicate is

cribe, i.e. “Bear”. In English, most names don't mean anything, or at least not anything obvious. The name “Frank” coincides with the English word “frank”, meaning “honest”, and so one way of translating “Frank ate some cheese” into Lojban would be:

la stace pu citka lo cirla

The-one-called “Honest/Frank” [past] eats some cheese.

English-speakers typically would not do this, as we tend to be more attached to the sound of our names than their meaning, even if the meaning (etymological or current) is known. Speakers of other languages may feel differently. (In point of fact, “Frank” originally meant “the free one” rather than “the honest one”.)

It is important to note the differences between Example and the following:

le cribe pu finti le lisri

One-or-more-specific-things-which-I-describe-as a-bear [past] creates the story.

The bear(s) wrote the story.

lo cribe pu finti le lisri

One-or-more-of-the-things-which-really are-bears [past] creates the story.

A bear wrote the story.

Some bears wrote the story.

Example is about a specific bear or bearlike thing(s), or thing(s) which the speaker (perhaps whimsically or metaphorically) describes as a bear (or more than one); Example is about one or more of the really existing, objectively defined bears. In either case, though, each of them must have contributed to the writing of the story, if more than one bear (or “bear”) is meant.

(The notion of a “really existing, objectively defined bear” raises certain difficulties. Is a panda bear a “real bear”? How about a teddy bear? In general, the answer is “yes”. Lojban gismu are defined as broadly as possible, allowing tanru and lujvo to narrow down the definition. There probably are no necessary and sufficient conditions for defining what is and what is not a bear that can be pinned down with complete precision: the real world is fuzzy. In borderline cases, le may communicate better than lo.)

So while Example could easily be true (there is a real writer named “Greg Bear”), and Example could be true if the speaker is sufficiently peculiar in what he or she describes as a bear, Example is certainly false.

Similarly, compare the following two examples, which are analogous to Example and Example respectively:

le remna pu finti le lisri

The human being(s) wrote the story.

lo remna pu finti le lisri

A human being wrote the story.

Some human beings wrote the story.

Example says who the author of the story is: one or more particular human beings that the speaker has in mind. If the topic of conversation is the story, then Example identifies the author as someone who can be pointed out or who has been previously mentioned; whereas if the topic is a person, then

le remna is in effect a shorthand reference to that person. Example merely says that the author is human.

The elidable terminator for all descriptions is ku. It can almost always be omitted with no danger of ambiguity. The main exceptions are in certain uses of relative clauses, which are discussed in Section 12.5, and in the case of a description immediately preceding the selbri. In this latter case, using an explicit cu before the selbri makes the ku unnecessary. There are also a few other uses of ku: in the compound negator

naku (discussed in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch) and to terminate place-structure, tense, and modal tags that do not have associated sumti (discussed in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch and Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch).

Individuals and masses

The following cmavo are discussed in this section:

lei

LE

description

loi

LE

description

lai

LA

description

All Lojban sumti are classified by whether they refer to one of three types of objects, known as “individuals”, “masses”, and “sets”. The term “individual” is misleading when used to refer to more than one object, but no less-confusing term has as yet been found. All the descriptions in Section and Section 8.1 refer to individuals, whether one or more than one. Consider the following example:

le prenu cu bevri le pipno

One-or-more-of-those-I-describe-as persons carry the piano.

The person(s) carry the piano.

(Of course the second le should really get the same translation as the first, but I am putting the focus of this discussion on the first le, the one preceding prenu. I will assume that there is only one piano under discussion.)

Suppose the context of Example is such that you can determine that I am talking about three persons. What am I claiming? I am claiming that each of the three persons carried the piano. This claim can be true if the persons carried the piano one at a time, or in turns, or in a variety of other ways. But in order for Example to be true, I must be willing to assert that person 1 carried the piano, and that person 2 carried the piano, and that person 3 carried the piano.

But suppose I am not willing to claim that. For in fact pianos are heavy, and very few persons can carry a piano all by themselves. The most likely factual situation is that person 1 carried one end of the piano, and person 2 the other end, while person 3 either held up the middle or else supervised the whole operation without actually lifting anything. The correct way of expressing such a situation in Lojban is:

lei prenu cu bevri le pipno

The-mass-of-one-or-more-of-those-I-describe-as persons carry the piano.

Here the same three persons are treated not as individuals, but as a so-called “mass entity”, or just “mass”. A mass has the properties of each individual which composes it, and may have other properties of its own as well. This can lead to apparent contradictions. Thus suppose in the piano-moving example above that person 1 has fair skin, whereas person 2 has dark skin. Then it is correct to say that the person-mass has both fair skin and dark skin. Using the mass descriptor lei signals that ordinary logical reasoning is not applicable: contradictions can be maintained, and all sorts of other peculiarities may exist. However, we can safely say that a mass inherits only the component properties that are relevant to it; it would be ludicrous to say that a mass of two persons is of molecular dimensions, simply because some of the parts (namely, the molecules) of the persons are that small.

The descriptors loi and lai are analogous to lo and la respectively, but refer to masses either by property ( loi) or by name ( lai). A classic example of loi use is:

loi cinfo cu xabju le fi'ortu'a

Part-of-the-mass-of-those-which-really are-lions dwell in-the African-land.

The lion dwells in Africa.

Lions dwell in Africa.

The difference between lei and loi is that

lei cinfo refers to a mass of specific individuals which the speaker calls lions, whereas

loi cinfo refers to some part of the mass of all those individuals which actually are lions. The restriction to “some part of the mass” allows statements like Example to be true even though some lions do not dwell in Africa – they live in various zoos around the world. On the other hand, Example doesn't actually say that most lions live in Africa: equally true is

loi glipre cu xabju le fi'ortu'a

Part-of-the-mass-of-those-which-really are-English-persons dwell in-the African-land.

The English dwell in Africa.

since there is at least one English person living there. Section 8.3 explains another method of saying what is usually meant by “The lion lives in Africa” which does imply that living in Africa is normal, not exceptional, for lions.

Note that the Lojban mass articles are sometimes translated by English plurals (the most usual case), sometimes by English singulars (when the singular is used to express typicalness or abstraction), and sometimes by singulars with no article:

loi matne cu ranti

Part-of-the-mass-of-that-which-really is-a-quantity-of-butter is-soft.

Butter is soft.

Of course, some butter is hard (for example, if it is frozen butter), so the “part-of” implication of loi becomes once again useful. The reason this mechanism works is that the English words like “butter”, which are seen as already describing masses, are translated in Lojban by non-mass forms. The place structure of matne is “x1 is a quantity of butter from source x2”, so the single English word “butter” is translated as something like “a part of the mass formed from all the quantities of butter that exist”. (Note that the operation of forming a mass entity does not imply, in Lojban, that the components of the mass are necessarily close to one another or even related in any way other than conceptually. Masses are formed by the speaker's intention to form a mass, and can in principle contain anything.)

The mass name descriptor lai is used in circumstances where we wish to talk about a mass of things identified by a name which is common to all of them. It is not used to identify a mass by a single name peculiar to it. Thus the mass version of Example ,

lai cribe pu finti le vi cukta

The-mass-of-those-named “bear” [past] creates the nearby book.

The Bears wrote this book.

in a context where

la cribe would be understood as plural, would mean that either Tom Bear or Fred Bear (to make up some names) might have written the book, or that Tom and Fred might have written it as collaborators. Using

la instead of lai in Example would give the implication that each of Tom and Fred, considered individually, had written it.

Masses and sets

The following cmavo are discussed in this section:

le'i

LE

description

lo'i

LE

description

la'i

LA

description

Having said so much about masses, let us turn to sets. Sets are easier to understand than masses, but are more rarely used. Like a mass, a set is an abstract object formed from a number of individuals; however, the properties of a set are not derived from any of the properties of the individuals that compose it.

Sets have properties like cardinality (how many elements in the set), membership (the relationship between a set and its elements), and set inclusion (the relationship between two sets, one of which – the superset – contains all the elements of the other – the subset). The set descriptors le'i, lo'i and la'i correspond exactly to the mass descriptors lei, loi, and lai except that normally we talk of the whole of a set, not just part of it. Here are some examples contrasting lo, loi, and lo'i:

lo ratcu cu bunre

One-or-more-of-those-which-really-are rats are-brown.

Some rats are brown.

loi ratcu cu cmalu

Part-of-the-mass-of-those-which-really-are rats are-small.

Rats are small.

lo'i ratcu cu barda

The-set-of rats is-large.

There are a lot of rats.

The mass of rats is small because at least one rat is small; the mass of rats is also large; the set of rats, though, is unquestionably large – it has billions of members. The mass of rats is also brown, since some of its components are; but it would be incorrect to call the set of rats brown – brown-ness is not the sort of property that sets possess.

Lojban speakers should generally think twice before employing the set descriptors. However, certain predicates have places that require set sumti to fill them. For example, the place structure of fadni is:

x1 is ordinary/common/typical/usual in property x2 among the members of set x3

Why is it necessary for the x3 place of fadni to be a set? Because it makes no sense for an individual to be typical of another individual: an individual is typical of a group. In order to make sure that the bridi containing fadni is about an entire group, its x3 place must be filled with a set:

mi fadni zo'e lo'i lobypli

I am-ordinary among the-set-of Lojban-users.

I am a typical Lojban user.

Note that the x2 place has been omitted; I am not specifying in exactly which way I am typical – whether in language knowledge, or age, or interests, or something else. If lo'i were changed to lo in Example , the meaning would be something like “I am typical of some Lojban user”, which is nonsense.

Descriptors for typical objects

The following cmavo are discussed in this section:

lo'e

LE

description

le'e

LE

description

As promised in Section 8.2, Lojban has a method for discriminating between “the lion” who lives in Africa and “the Englishman” who, generally speaking, doesn't live in Africa even though some Englishmen do. The descriptor lo'e means “the typical”, as in

lo'e cinfo cu xabju le fi'ortu'a

The-typical lion dwells-in the African-land.

The lion dwells in Africa.

What is this “typical lion”? Surely it is not any particular lion, because no lion has all of the “typical” characteristics, and (worse yet) some characteristics that all real lions have can't be viewed as typical. For example, all real lions are either male or female, but it would be bizarre to suppose that the typical lion is either one. So the typical lion has no particular sex, but does have a color (golden brown), a residence (Africa), a diet (game), and so on. Likewise we can say that

lo'e glipre cu xabju le fi'ortu'a na.e le gligugde

The-typical English-person dwells-in the African-land (Not!) and the English-country.

The typical English person dwells not in Africa but in England.

The relationship between

lo'e cinfo and

lo'i cinfo may be explained thus: the typical lion is an imaginary lion-abstraction which best exemplifies the set of lions. There is a similar relationship between le'e and le'i:

le'e xelso merko cu gusta ponse

The-stereotypical Greek-type-of American is-a-restaurant-type-of owner.

Lots of Greek-Americans own restaurants.

Here we are concerned not with the actual set of Greek-Americans, but with the set of those the speaker has in mind, which is typified by one (real or imaginary) who owns a restaurant. The word “stereotypical” is often derogatory in English, but le'e need not be derogatory in Lojban: it simply suggests that the example is typical in the speaker's imagination rather than in some objectively agreed-upon way. Of course, different speakers may disagree about what the features of “the typical lion” are (some would include having a short intestine, whereas others would know nothing of lions' intestines), so the distinction between

lo'e cinfo and

le'e cinfo may be very fine.

Furthermore,

le'e skina cu se finti ne'i la xali,uyd.

The-stereotypical movie is-invented in Hollywood.

is probably true to an American, but might be false (not the stereotype) to someone living in India or Russia.

Note that there is no naming equivalent of lo'e and le'e, because there is no need, as a rule, for a “typical George” or a “typical Smith”. People or things who share a common name do not, in general, have any other common attributes worth mentioning.

Quantified sumti

The following cmavo are discussed in this section:

ro

PA

description

su'o

PA

description

Quantifiers tell us how many: in the case of quantifiers with sumti, how many things we are talking about. In Lojban, quantifiers are expressed by numbers and mathematical expressions: a large topic discussed in some detail in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch. For the purposes of this chapter, a simplified treatment will suffice. Our examples will employ either the simple Lojban numbers pa, re, ci, vo, and mu, meaning “one”, “two”, “three”, “four”, “five” respectively, or else one of four special quantifiers, two of which are discussed in this section and listed above. These four quantifiers are important because every Lojban sumti has either one or two of them implicitly present in it – which one or two depends on the particular kind of sumti. There is more explanation of implicit quantifiers later in this section. (The other two quantifiers, piro and pisu'o, are explained in Section 8.6.)

Every Lojban sumti may optionally be preceded by an explicit quantifier. The purpose of this quantifier is to specify how many of the things referred to by the sumti are being talked about. Here are some simple examples contrasting sumti with and without explicit quantifiers:

do cadzu le bisli

You walk-on the ice.

re do cadzu le bisli

Two-of you walk-on the ice.

The difference between Example and Example is the presence of the explicit quantifier re in the latter example. Although re by itself means “two”, when used as a quantifier it means “two-of”. Out of the group of listeners (the number of which isn't stated), two (we are not told which ones) are asserted to be “walkers on the ice”. Implicitly, the others (if any) are not walkers on the ice. In Lojban, you cannot say “I own three shoes” if in fact you own four shoes. Numbers need never be specified, but if they are specified they must be correct.

(This rule does not mean that there is no way to specify a number which is vague. The sentence

mi ponse su'o ci cutci

I possess at-least three shoes.

is true if you own three shoes, or four, or indeed any larger number. More details on vague numbers appear in the discussion of mathematical expressions in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch.)

Now consider Example again. How many of the listeners are claimed to walk on the ice? The answer turns out to be: all of them, however many that is. So Example and Example :

ro do cadzu le bisli

All-of you walk-on the ice.

turn out to mean exactly the same thing. This is a safe strategy, because if one of my listeners doesn't turn out to be walking on the ice, I can safely claim that I didn't intend that person to be a listener! And in fact, all of the personal pro-sumti such as mi and mi'o and ko obey the same rule. We say that personal pro-sumti have a so-called “implicit quantifier” of ro (all). This just means that if no quantifier is given explicitly, the meaning is the same as if the implicit quantifier had been used.

Not all sumti have ro as the implicit quantifier, however. Consider the quotation in:

mi cusku lu do cadzu le bisli li'u

I express [quote] you walk-on the ice [unquote].

I say, “You walk on the ice.”

What is the implicit quantifier of the quotation

lu do cadzu le bisli li'u? Surely not ro. If ro were supplied explicitly, thus:

mi cusku ro lu do cadzu le bisli li'u

I express all-of [quote] you walk-on the ice [unquote].

the meaning would be something like “I say every occurrence of the sentence 'You walk on the ice'”. Of course I don't say every occurrence of it, only some occurrences. One might suppose that Example means that I express exactly one occurrence, but it is more Lojbanic to leave the number unspecified, as with other sumti. We can say definitely, however, that I say it at least once.

The Lojban cmavo meaning “at least” is su'o, and if no ordinary number follows, su'o means “at least once”. (See Example for the use of su'o with an ordinary number). Therefore, the explicitly quantified version of Example is

mi cusku su'o lu do cadzu le bisli li'u

I express at-least-one-of [quote] you walk-on the ice [unquote].

I say one or more instances of “You walk on the ice”.

I say “You walk on the ice”.

If an explicit ordinary number such as re were to appear, it would have to convey an exact expression, so

mi cusku re lu do cadzu le bisli li'u

I express two-of [quote] you walk-on the ice [unquote].

means that I say the sentence exactly twice, neither more nor less.

Quantified descriptions

The following cmavo are discussed in this section:

piro

PA

description

pisu'o

PA

description

Like other sumti, descriptions can be quantified. When a quantifier appears before a description, it has the same meaning as one appearing before a non-description sumti: it specifies how many things, of all those referred to by the description, are being talked about in this particular bridi. Suppose that context tells us that

le gerku refers to three dogs. Then we can say that exactly two of them are white as follows:

re le gerku cu blabi

Two-of the dogs are-white.

Two of the dogs are white.

When discussing descriptions, this ordinary quantifier is called an “outer quantifier”, since it appears outside the description. But there is another possible location for a quantifier: between the descriptor and the selbri. This quantifier is called an “inner quantifier”, and its meaning is quite different: it tells the listener how many objects the description selbri characterizes.

For example, the context of Example supposedly told us that

le gerku referred to some three specific dogs. This assumption can be made certain with the use of an explicit inner quantifier:

re le ci gerku cu blabi

Two-of the three dogs are-white.

Two of the three dogs are white.

(As explained in the discussion of Example , simple numbers like those in Example must be exact: it therefore follows that the third dog cannot be white.)

You may also specify an explicit inner quantifier and leave the outer quantifier implicit:

le ci gerku cu blabi

The three dogs are-white.

The three dogs are white.

There are rules for each of the 11 descriptors specifying what the implicit values for the inner and outer quantifiers are. They are meant to provide sensible default values when context is absent, not necessarily to prescribe hard and fast rules. The following table lists the implicit values: <tab class=wikitable header=true>le: ro le su'o all of the at-least-one described aslo: su'o lo ro at least one of all of those which really arela: ro la su'o all of the at least one namedlei: pisu'o lei su'o some part of the mass of the at-least-one described asloi: pisu'o loi ro some part of the mass of all those that really arelai: pisu'o lai su'o some part of the mass of the at-least-one namedle'i: piro le'i su'o the whole of the set of the at-least-one described aslo'i: piro lo'i ro the whole of the set of all those that really arela'i: piro la'i su'o the whole of the set of the at-least-one namedle'e: ro le'e su'o all the stereotypes of the at-least-one described aslo'e: su'o lo'e ro at least one of the types of all those that really are </tab> When examined for the first time, this table looks dreadfully arbitrary. In fact, there are quite a few regularities in it. First of all, the la-series (that is, the descriptors la, lai, and la'i) and the le-series (that is, the descriptors le, lei, le'i, and le'e) always have corresponding implicit quantifiers, so we may subsume the la-series under the le-series for the rest of this discussion: “le-series cmavo” will refer to both the le-series proper and to the la-series.

The rule for the inner quantifier is very simple: the lo-series cmavo (namely, lo, loi, lo'i, and lo'e) all have an implicit inner quantifier of ro, whereas the le-series cmavo all have an implicit inner quantifier of su'o.

Why? Because lo-series descriptors always refer to all of the things which really fit into the x1 place of the selbri. They are not restricted by the speaker's intention. Descriptors of the le-series, however, are so restricted, and therefore talk about some number, definite or indefinite, of objects the speaker has in mind – but never less than one.

Understanding the implicit outer quantifier requires rules of greater subtlety. In the case of mass and set descriptors, a single rule suffices for each: reference to a mass is implicitly a reference to some part of the mass; reference to a set is implicitly a reference to the whole set. Masses and sets are inherently singular objects: it makes no sense to talk about two distinct masses with the same components, or two distinct sets with the same members. Therefore, the largest possible outer quantifier for either a set description or a mass description is piro, the whole of it.

(Pedantically, it is possible that the mass of water molecules composing an ice cube might be thought of as different from the same mass of water molecules in liquid form, in which case we might talk about

re lei djacu, two masses of the water-bits I have in mind.)

Why “pi-”? It is the Lojban cmavo for the decimal point. Just as

pimu means “.5”, and when used as a quantifier specifies a portion consisting of five tenths of a thing, piro means a portion consisting of the all-ness – the entirety – of a thing. Similarly, pisu'o specifies a portion consisting of at least one part of a thing, i.e. some of it.

Smaller quantifiers are possible for sets, and refer to subsets. Thus

pimu le'i nanmu is a subset of the set of men I have in mind; we don't know precisely which elements make up this subset, but it must have half the size of the full set. This is the best way to say “half of the men”; saying

pimu le nanmu would give us a half-portion of one of them instead! Of course, the result of

pimu le'i nanmu is still a set; if you need to refer to the individuals of the subset, you must say so (see lu'a in

Section 8.9).

The case of outer quantifiers for individual descriptors (including le, lo, la, and the typical descriptors le'e and lo'e) is special. When we refer to specific individuals with le, we mean to refer to all of those we have in mind, so ro is appropriate as the implicit quantifier, just as it is appropriate for do. Reference to non-specific individuals with lo, however, is typically to only some of the objects which can be correctly described, and so su'o is the appropriate implicit quantifier, just as for quotations.

From the English-speaking point of view, the difference in structure between the following example using le:

[ro] le ci gerku cu blabi

[All-of] those-described-as three dogs are-white.

The three dogs are white.

and the corresponding form with lo:

ci lo [ro] gerku cu blabi

Three-of those-which-are [all] dogs are-white.

Three dogs are white.

looks very peculiar. Why is the number ci found as an inner quantifier in Example and as an outer quantifier in Example ? The number of dogs is the same in either case. The answer is that the ci in Example is part of the specification: it tells us the actual number of dogs in the group that the speaker has in mind. In Example , however, the dogs referred to by

... lo gerku are all the dogs that exist: the outer quantifier then restricts the number to three; which three, we cannot tell. The implicit quantifiers are chosen to avoid claiming too much or too little: in the case of le, the implicit outer quantifier ro says that each of the dogs in the restricted group is white; in the case of lo, the implicit inner quantifier simply says that three dogs, chosen from the group of all the dogs there are, are white.

Using exact numbers as inner quantifiers in lo-series descriptions is dangerous, because you are stating that exactly that many things exist which really fit the description. So examples like

[so'o] lo ci gerku cu blabi

[some-of] those-which-really-are three dogs are-white

are semantically anomalous; Example claims that some dog (or dogs) is white, but also that there are just three dogs in the universe!

Nevertheless, inner quantifiers are permitted on lo descriptors for consistency's sake, and may occasionally be useful.

Note that the inner quantifier of le, even when exact, need not be truthful:

le ci nanmu means “what I describe as three men”, not “three of what I describe as men”. This follows from the rule that what is described by a le description represents the speaker's viewpoint rather than the objective way things are.

Indefinite descriptions

By a quirk of Lojban syntax, it is possible to omit the descriptor lo, but never any other descriptor, from a description like that of Example ; namely, one which has an explicit outer quantifier but no explicit inner quantifier. The following example:

ci gerku [ku] cu blabi

Three dogs are white.

is equivalent in meaning to Example . Even though the descriptor is not present, the elidable terminator ku may still be used. The name “indefinite description” for this syntactic form is historically based: of course, it is no more and no less indefinite than its counterpart with an explicit lo. Indefinite descriptions were introduced into the language in order to imitate the syntax of English and other natural languages.

Indefinite descriptions must fit this mold exactly: there is no way to make one which does not have an explicit outer quantifier (thus

*gerku cu blabi is ungrammatical), or which has an explicit inner quantifier (thus

*reboi ci gerku cu blabi is also ungrammatical –

re ci gerku cu blabi is fine, but means “23 dogs are white”).

Note: Example also contains an indefinite description, namely

su'o ci cutci; another version of that example using an explicit lo would be:

mi ponse su'o ci lo cutci

I possess at-least three things-which-really-are shoes

I own three (or more) shoes.

sumti-based descriptions

As stated in Section 8.1, most descriptions consist of just a descriptor and a selbri. (In this chapter, the selbri have always been single gismu, but of course any selbri, however complex, can be employed in a description. The syntax and semantics of selbri are explained in Chapter 6.) In the intervening sections, inner and outer quantifiers have been added to the syntax. Now it is time to discuss a description of a radically different kind: the sumti-based description.

A sumti-based description has a sumti where the selbri would normally be, and the inner quantifier is required – it cannot be implicit. An outer quantifier is permitted but not required.

A full theory of sumti-based descriptions has yet to be worked out. One common case, however, is well understood. Compare the following:

<title>

re do cu nanmu

Two-of you are-men.

le re do cu nanmu

The two-of you are men.Example simply specifies that of the group of listeners, size unknown, two are men. Example , which has the sumti-based description

le re do, says that of the two listeners, all (the implicit outer quantifier ro) are men. So in effect the inner quantifier re gives the number of individuals which the inner sumti

do refers to.

Here is another group of examples:

re le ci cribe cu bunre

Two-of the three bears are-brown.

le re le ci cribe cu bunre

The two-of the three bears are-brown.

pa le re le ci cribe cu bunre

One-of the two-of the three bears are-brown.

In each case,

le ci cribe restricts the bears (or alleged bears) being talked of to some group of three which the speaker has in mind. Example says that two of them (which two is not stated) are brown. Example says that a specific pair of them are brown. Example says that of a specific pair chosen from the original three, one or the other of that pair is brown.

sumti qualifiers

The following cmavo are discussed in this section:

la'e

LAhE

description

lu'e

LAhE

description

tu'a

LAhE

description

lu'a

LAhE

description

lu'i

LAhE

description

lu'o

LAhE

description

vu'i

LAhE

description

na'ebo

NAhE+BO

description

to'ebo

NAhE+BO

description

no'ebo

NAhE+BO

description

je'abo

NAhE+BO

description

lu'u

LUhU

description

Well, that's quite a list of cmavo. What are they all about?

The above cmavo and compound cmavo are called the “sumti qualifiers”. All of them are either single cmavo of selma'o LAhE, or else compound cmavo involving a scalar negation cmavo of selma'o NAhE immediately followed by bo of selma'o BO. Syntactically, you can prefix a sumti qualifier to any sumti and produce another simple sumti. (You may need to add the elidable terminator lu'u to show where the qualified sumti ends.)

Semantically, sumti qualifiers represent short forms of certain common special cases. Suppose you want to say “I see 'The Red Pony'”, where “The Red Pony” is the title of a book. How about:

mi viska lu le xunre cmaxirma li'u

I see [quote] the red small-horse [unquote].

But Example doesn't work: it says that you see a piece of text “The Red Pony”. That might be all right if you were looking at the cover of the book, where the words “The Red Pony” are presumably written. (More precisely, where the words

le xunre cmaxirma are written – but we may suppose the book has been translated into Lojban.)

What you really want to say is:

mi viska le selsinxa be lu le xunre cmaxirma li'u

I see the thing-represented-by [quote] the red small-horse [unquote].

The x2 place of

selsinxa (the x1 place of sinxa) is a sign or symbol, and the x1 place of

selsinxa (the x2 place of sinxa) is the thing represented by the sign. Example allows us to use a symbol (namely the title of a book) to represent the thing it is a symbol of (namely the book itself).

This operation turns out to be needed often enough that it's useful to be able to say:

mi viska la'e lu le xunre cmaxirma li'u [lu'u]

I see the-referent-of [quote] the red small-horse [unquote].

}} So when la'e is prefixed to a sumti referring to a symbol, it produces a sumti referring to the referent of that symbol. (In computer jargon, la'e dereferences a pointer.)

By introducing a sumti qualifier, we correct a false sentence ( Example ), which too closely resembles its literal English equivalent, into a true sentence ( Example ), without having to change it overmuch; in particular, the structure remains the same. Most of the uses of sumti qualifiers are of this general kind.

The sumti qualifier lu'e provides the converse operation: it can be prefixed to a sumti referring to some thing to produce a sumti referring to a sign or symbol for the thing. For example,

}}

mi pu cusku lu'e le vi cukta

I [past] express a-symbol-for the nearby book.

I said the title of this book.

The equivalent form not using a sumti qualifier would be:

mi pu cusku le sinxa be le vi cukta

I [past] express the symbol-for the nearby book.

which is equivalent to Example , but longer.

The other sumti qualifiers follow the same rules. The cmavo tu'a is used in forming abstractions, and is explained more fully in Section . The triplet lu'a, lu'i, and lu'o convert between individuals, sets, and masses; vu'i belongs to this group as well, but creates a sequence, which is similar to a set but has a definite order. (The set of John and Charles is the same as the set of Charles and John, but the sequences are different.) Here are some examples:

mi troci tu'a le vorme

I try some-abstraction-about the door.

I try (to open) the door.

Example might mean that I try to do something else involving the door; the form is deliberately vague.

Most of the following examples make use of the cmavo ri, belonging to selma'o KOhA. This cmavo means “the thing last mentioned”; it is equivalent to repeating the immediately previous sumti (but in its original context). It is explained in more detail in Section 10.5.

lo'i ratcu cu barda .iku'i lu'a ri cmalu

The-set-of rats is-large. But some-members-of it-last-mentioned is-small.

The set of rats is large, but some of its members are small.

lo ratcu cu cmalu .iku'i lu'i ri barda

Some rats are-small. But the-set-of them-last-mentioned is-large.

Some rats are small, but the set of rats is large.

mi ce do girzu .i lu'o ri gunma .i vu'i ri porsi

I in-a-set-with you are-a-set. The-mass-of it-last-mentioned is-a-mass. The-sequence-of it-last-mentioned is-a-sequence

The set of you and me is a set. The mass of you and me is a mass. The sequence of you and me is a sequence.

(Yes, I know these examples are a bit silly. This set was introduced for completeness, and practical examples are as yet hard to come by.)

Finally, the four sumti qualifiers formed from a cmavo of NAhE and bo are all concerned with negation, which is discussed in detail in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch. Here are a few examples of negation sumti qualifiers:

mi viska na'ebo le gerku

I see something-other-than the dog.

This compound,

na'ebo, is the most common of the four negation sumti qualifiers. The others usually only make sense in the context of repeating, with modifications, something already referred to:

mi nelci loi glare cidja .ije do nelci to'ebo ri .ije la djein. nelci no'ebo ra

I like part-of-the-mass-of hot-type-of food. And you like the-opposite-of the-last-mentioned. And Jane likes the-neutral-value-of something-mentioned.

I like hot food, and you like cold food, and Jane likes lukewarm food.

(In Example , the sumti ra refers to some previously mentioned sumti other than that referred to by ri. We cannot use ri here, because it would signify

la djein., that being the most recent sumti available to ri. See more detailed explanations in Section 10.5.)

The syntax of vocative phrases

Vocative phrases are not sumti, but are explained in this chapter because their syntax is very similar to that of sumti. Grammatically, a vocative phrase is one of the so-called “free modifiers” of Lojban, along with subscripts, parentheses, and various other constructs explained in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch. They can be placed after many, but not all, constructions of the grammar: in general, after any elidable terminator (which, however, must not then be elided!), at the beginnings and ends of sentences, and in many other places.

The purpose of a vocative phrase is to indicate who is being addressed, or to indicate to that person that he or she ought to be listening. A vocative phrase begins with a cmavo of selma'o COI or DOI, all of which are explained in more detail in Section . Sometimes that is all there is to the phrase:

coi

[greetings]

Hello.

je'e

[acknowledgement]

Uh-huh.

Roger!

In these cases, the person being addressed is obvious from the context. However, a vocative word (more precisely, one or more cmavo of COI, possibly followed by doi, or else just doi by itself) can be followed by one of several kinds of phrases, all of which are intended to indicate the addressee. The most common case is a name:

coi. djan.

Hello, John.

A pause is required (for morphological reasons) between a member of COI and a name. You can use doi instead of a pause:

coi doi djan.

Hello, John.

means exactly the same thing and does not require a pause. Using doi by itself is like just saying someone's name to attract his or her attention:

doi djan.

John!

In place of a name, a description may appear, lacking its descriptor, which is understood to be le:

coi xunre pastu nixli

Hello, (red-type-of dress)-type-of girl.

Hello, girl with the red dress!

The listener need not really be a

xunre pastu nixli, as long as she understands herself correctly from the description. (Actually, only a bare selbri can appear; explicit quantifiers are forbidden in this form of vocative, so the implicit quantifiers

su'o le ro are in effect.)

Finally, a complete sumti may be used, the most general case.

co'o la bab. .e la noras.

Goodbye, Bob and Nora.

Example is thus the same as:

coi le xunre pastu nixli

Hello, the-one-described-as red-dress girl!

and Example is the same as:

doi la djan.

The-one-named John!

Finally, the elidable terminator for vocative phrases is do'u (of selma'o DOhU), which is rarely needed except when a simple vocative word is being placed somewhere within a bridi. It may also be required when a vocative is placed between a sumti and its relative clause, or when there are a sequence of so-called “free modifiers” (vocatives, subscripts, utterance ordinals – See Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch – metalinguistic comments – See Section – or reciprocals – seeChapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch) which must be properly separated.

The meaning of a vocative phrase that is within a sentence is not affected by its position in the sentence: thus Example and Example mean the same thing:

doi djan. ko klama mi

John, come to me!

ko klama mi doi djan.

Come to me, John!

As usual for this chapter, the full syntax of vocative phrases has not been explained: relative clauses, discussed in Chapter 12, make for more possibilities.

Lojban names

Names have been used freely as sumti throughout this chapter without too much explanation. The time for the explanation has now come.

First of all, there are two different kinds of things usually called “names” when talking about Lojban. The naming predicates of Section 8.1 are just ordinary predicates which are being used in a special sense. In addition, though, there is a class of Lojban words which are used only to name things: these can be recognized by the fact that they end in a consonant followed by a pause. Some examples:

djan. meris. djein. .alis.

John. Mary. Jane. Alice.

(Note that .alis. begins as well as ends with a pause, because all Lojban words beginning with a vowel must be preceded by a pause. See Chapter 5 for more information.)

Names of this kind have two basic uses in Lojban: when used in a vocative phrase (see Section 8.10) they indicate who the listener is or should be. When used with a descriptor of selma'o LA, namely la, lai, or la'i, they form sumti which refer to the persons or things known by the name.

la djonz. klama le zarci

Jones goes to-the store.

The Joneses go to-the store.

lai djonz. klama le zarci

The-mass-of Joneses go to-the store.

The Joneses go to the store.

In Example , the significance is that all the persons (perhaps only one) I mean to refer to by the name djonz. are going to the store. In Example , the Joneses are massified, and only some part of them needs to be going. Of course, by djonz. I can mean whomever I want: that person need not use the name djonz. at all.

The sumti in Example and Example operate exactly like the similar uses of la and lai in Example and Example respectively. The only difference is that these descriptors are followed by Lojban name-words. And in fact, the only difference between descriptors of selma'o LA (these three) and of selma'o LE (all the other descriptors) is that the former can be followed by name-words, whereas the latter cannot.

There are certain limitations on the form of name-words in Lojban. In particular, they cannot contain the letter-sequences (or sound-sequences) la, lai, or doi unless a consonant immediately precedes within the name. Reciprocally, every name not preceded by la, lai, la'i, or doi must be preceded by a pause instead:

coi .djan.

Hello, John.

zo .djan. cmene mi

The-word “John” is-the-name-of me.

My name is John.

In Example and Example , .djan. appears with a pause before it as well as after it, because the preceding word is not one of the four special cases. These rules force names to always be separable from the general word-stream.

Unless some other rule prevents it (such as the rule that zo is always followed by a single word, which is quoted), multiple names may appear wherever one name is permitted, each with its terminating pause:

doi djan. pol. djonz. le bloti cu klama fi la niuport. niuz.

John Paul Jones, the boat comes (to somewhere) from Newport News.

A name may not contain any consonant combination that is illegal in Lojban words generally: the “impermissible consonant clusters” of Lojban morphology (explained in Section 2.3). Thus djeimz. is not a valid version of “James” (because mz is invalid): djeimyz will suffice. Similarly, la may be replaced by ly, lai by

ly'i, doi by do'i or dai. Here are a few examples:

<tab class=wikitable header=true> Doyle *doi,l do'il or dai,l Lyra *lairas ly'iras Lottie *latis LYtis. or lotis. (American pronunciation) </tab>

Names may be borrowed from other languages or created arbitrarily. Another common practice is to use one or more rafsi, arranged to end with a consonant, to form a name: thus the rafsi loj- for logji (logical) and ban- for bangu (language) unite to form the name of this language:

lojban.

Lojban

When borrowing names from another language which end in a vowel, or when turning a Lojban brivla (all of which end in vowels) into a name, the vowel may be removed or an arbitrary consonant added. It is common (but not required) to use the consonants

s or n when borrowing vowel-final names from English; speakers of other languages may wish to use other consonant endings.

The implicit quantifier for name sumti of the form la followed by a name is su'o, just as for la followed by a selbri.

Pro-sumti summary

The Lojban pro-sumti are the cmavo of selma'o KOhA. They fall into several classes: personal, definable, quantificational, reflexive, back-counting, indefinite, demonstrative, metalinguistic, relative, question. More details are given in Chapter 10; this section mostly duplicates information found there, but adds material on the implicit quantifier of each pro-sumti.

The following examples illustrate each of the classes. Unless otherwise noted below, the implicit quantification for pro-sumti is ro (all). In the case of pro-sumti which refer to other sumti, the ro signifies “all of those referred to by the other sumti”: thus it is possible to restrict, but not to extend, the quantification of the other sumti.

Personal pro-sumti ( mi, do, mi'o, mi'a, ma'a, do'o, ko) refer to the speaker or the listener or both, with or without third parties:

mi prami do

I love you.

The personal pro-sumti may be interpreted in context as either representing individuals or masses, so the implicit quantifier may be pisu'o rather than ro: in particular, mi'o, mi'a, ma'a, and do'o specifically represent mass combinations of the individuals (you and I, I and others, you and I and others, you and others) that make them up.

Definable pro-sumti ( ko'a, ko'e, ko'i, ko'o, ko'u, fo'a, fo'e, fo'i, fo'o, fo'u) refer to whatever the speaker has explicitly made them refer to. This reference is accomplished with goi (of selma'o GOI), which means “defined-as”.

le cribe goi ko'a cu xekri .i ko'a citka le smacu

The bear defined-as it-1 is-black. It-1 eats the mouse.

Quantificational pro-sumti ( da, de, di) are used as variables in bridi involving predicate logic:

ro da poi prenu cu prami pa de poi finpe

All somethings-1 which-are persons love one something-2 which-is a-fish.

All persons love a fish (each his/her own).

(This is not the same as “All persons love a certain fish”; the difference between the two is one of quantifier order.) The implicit quantification rules for quantificational pro-sumti are particular to them, and are discussed in detail in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch. Roughly speaking, the quantifier is su'o (at least one) when the pro-sumti is first used, and ro (all) thereafter.

Reflexive pro-sumti ( vo'a, vo'e, vo'i, vo'o, vo'u) refer to the same referents as sumti filling other places in the same bridi, with the effect that the same thing is referred to twice:

le cribe cu batci vo'a

The bear bites what-is-in-the-x1-place.

The bear bites itself.

Back-counting pro-sumti ( ri, ra, ru) refer to the referents of previous sumti counted backwards from the pro-sumti:

mi klama la frankfurt. ri

I go to-Frankfurt from-the-referent-of-the-last-sumti

I go from Frankfurt to Frankfurt (by some unstated route).

Indefinite pro-sumti ( zo'e, zu'i, zi'o) refer to something which is unspecified:

mi klama la frankfurt. zo'e zo'e zo'e

I go to-Frankfurt from-unspecified via-unspecified by-means-unspecified.

The implicit quantifier for indefinite pro-sumti is, well, indefinite. It might be ro (all) or su'o (at least one) or conceivably even no (none), though no would require a very odd context indeed.

Demonstrative pro-sumti ( ti, ta, tu) refer to things pointed at by the speaker, or when pointing is not possible, to things near or far from the speaker:

ko muvgau ti ta tu

You [imperative] move this-thing from-that-nearby-place to-that-further-away-place.

Move this from there to over there!

Metalinguistic pro-sumti ( di'u, de'u, da'u, di'e, de'e, da'e, dei, do'i) refer to spoken or written utterances, either preceding, following, or the same as the current utterance.

li re su'i re du li vo .i la'e di'u jetnu

The-number two plus two equals the-number four. The-referent-of the-previous-utterance is-true.

The implicit quantifier for metalinguistic pro-sumti is su'o (at least one), because they are considered analogous to lo descriptions: they refer to things which really are previous, current, or following utterances.

The relative pro-sumti ( ke'a) is used within relative clauses (See Chapter 12 for a discussion of relative clauses) to refer to whatever sumti the relative clause is attached to.

mi viska le mlatu ku poi zo'e zbasu ke'a loi slasi

I see the cat(s) such-that something-unspecified makes it/them (the cats) from-a-mass-of plastic.

I see the cat(s) made of plastic.

The question pro-sumti ( ma) is used to ask questions which request the listener to supply a sumti which will make the question into a truth:

do klama ma

You go to-what-sumti?

Where are you going?

The implicit quantifier for the question pro-sumti is su'o (at least one), because the listener is only being asked to supply a single answer, not all correct answers.

In addition, sequences of lerfu words (of selma'o BY and related selma'o) can also be used as definable pro-sumti.

Quotation summary

There are four kinds of quotation in Lojban: text quotation, words quotation, single-word quotation, non-Lojban quotation. More information is provided in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch.

Text quotations are preceded by lu and followed by li'u, and are an essential part of the surrounding text: they must be grammatical Lojban texts.

mi cusku lu mi'e djan. li'u

I say the-text [quote] I-am John [unquote].

I say “I'm John”.

Words quotations are quotations of one or more Lojban words. The words need not mean anything, but they must be morphologically valid so that the end of the quotation can be discerned.

mi cusku lo'u li mi le'u

I say the-words [quote] li mi [unquote].

I say “li mi”.

Note that the translation of Example does not translate the Lojban words, because they are not presumed to have any meaning (in fact, they are ungrammatical).

Single-word quotation quotes a single Lojban word. Compound cmavo are not allowed.

mi cusku zo .ai

I say the-word ai.

Non-Lojban quotation can quote anything, Lojban or not, even non-speech such as drum talk, whistle words, music, or belching. A Lojban word which does not appear within the quotation is used before and after it to set it off from the surrounding Lojban text.

mi cusku zoi kuot. I'm John .kuot

I say “I'm John”.

The implicit quantifier for all types of quotation is su'o (at least one), because quotations are analogous to lo descriptions: they refer to things which actually are words or sequences of words.

Number summary

The sumti which refer to numbers consist of the cmavo li (of selma'o LI) followed by an arbitrary Lojban mekso, or mathematical expression. This can be anything from a simple number up to the most complicated combination of numbers, variables, operators, and so on. Much more information on numbers is given in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch. Here are a few examples of increasing complexity:

li vo

the-number four

4

li re su'i re

the-number two plus two

2 + 2

li .abu bopi'i xy. bote'a re su'i by. bopi'i xy. su'i cy.

the-number a times x to-power 2 plus b times x plus c

ax² + bx + c

An alternative to li is me'o, also of selma'o LI. Number expressions beginning with me'o refer to the actual expression, rather than its value. Thus Example and Example above have the same meaning, the number four, whereas

me'o vo

the-expression four

“4”

and

me'o re su'i re

the-expression two plus two

“2+2”

refer to different pieces of text.

The implicit quantifier for numbers and mathematical expressions is su'o, because these sumti are analogous to lo descriptions: they refer to things which actually are numbers or pieces of text. In the case of numbers (with li), this is a distinction without a difference, as there is only one number which is 4; but there are many texts “4”, as many as there are documents in which that numeral appears.

Anaphora. Pronouns and reference verbs

What are pro-sumti and pro-bridi? What are they for?

Speakers of Lojban, like speakers of other languages, require mechanisms of abbreviation. If every time we referred to something, we had to express a complete description of it, life would be too short to say what we have to say. In English, we have words called “pronouns” which allow us to replace nouns or noun phrases with shorter terms. An English with no pronouns might look something like this:

Speakers of Lojban, like speakers of other languages, require mechanisms of abbreviation. If every time speakers of Lojban referred to a thing to which speakers of Lojban refer, speakers of Lojban had to express a complete description of what speakers of Lojban referred to, life would be too short to say what speakers of Lojban have to say.

Speakers of this kind of English would get mightily sick of talking. Furthermore, there are uses of pronouns in English which are independent of abbreviation. There is all the difference in the world between:

John picked up a stick and shook it.

and

John picked up a stick and shook a stick.Example does not imply that the two sticks are necessarily the same, whereas Example requires that they are.

In Lojban, we have sumti rather than nouns, so our equivalent of pronouns are called by the hybrid term “pro-sumti”. A purely Lojban term would be

sumti cmavo: all of the pro-sumti are cmavo belonging to selma'o KOhA. In exactly the same way, Lojban has a group of cmavo (belonging to selma'o GOhA) which serve as selbri or full bridi. These may be called “pro-bridi” or

bridi cmavo. This chapter explains the uses of all the members of selma'o KOhA and GOhA. They fall into a number of groups, known as series: thus, in selma'o KOhA, we have among others the mi-series, the ko'a-series, the da-series, and so on. In each section, a series of pro-sumti is explained, and if there is a corresponding series of pro-bridi, it is explained and contrasted. Many pro-sumti series don't have pro-bridi analogues, however.

A few technical terms: The term “referent” means the thing to which a pro-sumti (by extension, a pro-bridi) refers. If the speaker of a sentence is James, then the referent of the word “I” is James. On the other hand, the term “antecedent” refers to a piece of language which a pro-sumti (or pro-bridi) implicitly repeats. In

John loves himself

the antecedent of “himself” is “John”; not the person, but a piece of text (a name, in this case). John, the person, would be the referent of “himself”. Not all pro-sumti or pro-bridi have antecedents, but all of them have referents.

Personal pro-sumti: the mi-series

The following cmavo are discussed in this section: <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning mi KOhA mi-series I, me do KOhA mi-series you mi'o KOhA mi-series you and I mi'a KOhA mi-series I and others, we but not you ma'a KOhA mi-series you and I and others do'o KOhA mi-series you and others ko KOhA mi-series you-imperative </tab>

The mi-series of pro-sumti refer to the speaker, the listener, and others in various combinations. mi refers to the speaker and perhaps others for whom the speaker speaks; it may be a Lojbanic mass. do refers to the listener or listeners. Neither mi nor do is specific about the number of persons referred to; for example, the foreman of a jury may refer to the members of the jury as mi, since in speaking officially he represents all of them.

The referents of mi and do are usually obvious from the context, but may be assigned by the vocative words of selma'o COI, explained in Section . The vocative mi'e assigns mi, whereas all of the other vocatives assign do.

mi'e djan. doi frank. mi cusku lu mi bajra li'u do

I-am John, O Frank, I express [quote] I run [unquote] to-you

I am John, Frank; I tell you “I run”.

The cmavo mi'o, mi'a, ma'a, and do'o express various combinations of the speaker and/or the listener and/or other people:

• mi'o includes only the speaker and the listener but no one else;
• mi'a includes the speaker and others but excludes the listener;
• do'o includes the listener and others but excludes the speaker;
• ma'a includes all three: speaker, listener, others.

All of these pro-sumti represent masses. For example, mi'o is the same as

mi joi do, the mass of me and you considered jointly.

  In English, “we” can mean mi or mi'o or mi'a or even 

ma'a, and English-speakers often suffer because they cannot easily distinguish mi'o from mi'a:

We're going to the store.

Does this include the listener or not? There's no way to be sure.

Finally, the cmavo ko is logically equivalent to do; its referent is the listener. However, its use alters an assertion about the listener into a command to the listener to make the assertion true:

do klama le zarci

You go to-the store.

becomes:

ko klama le zarci

You [imperative] go to-the store.

Make “you go to the store” true!

Go to the store!

In English, the subject of a command is omitted, but in Lojban, the word ko must be used. However, ko does not have to appear in the x1 place:

mi viska ko

I see you [imperative]

Make “I see you” true!

Be seen by me!

In Example , it is necessary to make the verb passive in English in order to convey the effect of ko in the x2 place. Indeed, ko does not even have to be a sumti of the main bridi:

mi viska le prenu poi prami ko

I see the person that loves you [imperative]

Make “I see the person that loves you” true!

Be such that the person who loves you is seen by me!

Show me the person who loves you!

As mentioned in Section , some pro-sumti series have corresponding pro-bridi series. However, there is no equivalent of the mi-series among pro-bridi, since a person isn't a relationship.

Demonstrative pro-sumti: the ti-series

The following cmavo are discussed in this section: <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning ti KOhA ti-series this here, a nearby object ta KOhA ti-series that there, a medium-distant object tu KOhA ti-series that yonder, a far-distant object </tab>

It is often useful to refer to things by pointing to them or by some related non-linguistic mechanism. In English, the words “this” and “that” serve this function among others: “this” refers to something pointed at that is near the speaker, and “that” refers to something further away. The Lojban pro-sumti of the ti-series serve the same functions, but more narrowly. The cmavo ti, ta, and tu provide only the pointing function of “this” and “that”; they are not used to refer to things that cannot be pointed at.

There are three pro-sumti of the ti-series rather than just two because it is often useful to distinguish between objects that are at more than two different distances. Japanese, among other languages, regularly does this. Until the 16th century, English did too; the pronoun “that” referred to something at a medium distance from the speaker, and the now-archaic pronoun “yon” to something far away.

In conversation, there is a special rule about ta and tu that is often helpful in interpreting them. When used contrastingly, ta refers to something that is near the listener, whereas tu refers to something far from both speaker and listener. This makes for a parallelism between ti and mi, and ta and do, that is convenient when pointing is not possible; for example, when talking by telephone. In written text, on the other hand, the meaning of the ti-series is inherently vague; is the writer to be taken as pointing to something, and if so, to what? In all cases, what counts as “near” and “far away” is relative to the current situation.

It is important to distinguish between the English pronoun “this” and the English adjective “this” as in “this boat”. The latter is not represented in Lojban by ti:

le ti bloti

the this boat

does not mean “this boat” but rather “this one's boat”, “the boat associated with this thing”, as explained in Section 12.6. A correct Lojban translation of Example is

le vi bloti

the here boat

the nearby boat

using a spatial tense before the selbri bloti to express that the boat is near the speaker. (Tenses are explained in full in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch.) Another correct translation would be:

ti noi bloti

this-thing which-incidentally is-a-boat

There are no demonstrative pro-bridi to correspond to the ti-series: you can't point to a relationship.

Utterance pro-sumti: the di'u-series

The following cmavo are discussed in this section: <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning di'u KOhA di'u-series the previous utterance de'u KOhA di'u-series an earlier utterance da'u KOhA di'u-series a much earlier utterance di'e KOhA di'u-series the next utterance de'e KOhA di'u-series a later utterance da'e KOhA di'u-series a much later utterance dei KOhA di'u-series this very utterance do'i KOhA di'u-series some utterance </tab>

The cmavo of the di'u-series enable us to talk about things that have been, are being, or will be said. In English, it is normal to use “this” and “that” for this (indeed, the immediately preceding “this” is an example of such a usage):

You don't like cats.

That is untrue.

Here “that” does not refer to something that can be pointed to, but to the preceding sentence “You don't like cats”. In Lojban, therefore, Example is rendered:

do na nelci loi mlatu .i di'u jitfa jufra

You (Not!) like the-mass-of cats. The-previous-utterance is-a-false-sentence.

Using ta instead of di'u would cause the listener to look around to see what the speaker of the second sentence was physically pointing to.

As with ti, ta, and tu, the cmavo of the di'u-series come in threes: a close utterance, a medium-distance utterance, and a distant utterance, either in the past or in the future. It turned out to be impossible to use the i/ a/ u vowel convention of the demonstratives in Section 10.2 without causing collisions with other cmavo, and so the di'u-series has a unique i/ e/ a convention in the first vowel of the cmavo.

Most references in speech are to the past (what has already been said), so di'e, de'e, and da'e are not very useful when speaking. In writing, they are frequently handy:

la saimn. cusku di'e

Simon expresses the-following-utterance.

Simon says:

Example would typically be followed by a quotation. Note that although presumably the quotation is of something Simon has said in the past, the quotation utterance itself would appear after Example , and so di'e is appropriate.

The remaining two cmavo, dei and do'i, refer respectively to the very utterance that the speaker is uttering, and to some vague or unspecified utterance uttered by someone at some time:

dei jetnu jufra

This-utterance is-a-true-sentence.

What I am saying (at this moment) is true.

do'i jetnu jufra

Some-utterance is-a-true-sentence.

That's true (where “that” is not necessarily what was just said).

The cmavo of the di'u-series have a meaning that is relative to the context. The referent of dei in the current utterance is the same as the referent of di'u in the next utterance. The term “utterance” is used rather than “sentence” because the amount of speech or written text referred to by any of these words is vague. Often, a single bridi is intended, but longer utterances may be thus referred to.

Note one very common construction with di'u and the cmavo la'e (of selma'o LAhE; See Section 8.9) which precedes a sumti and means “the thing referred to by (the sumti)”:

mi prami la djein. .i mi nelci la'e di'u

I love Jane. And I like the-referent-of the-last-utterance.

I love Jane, and I like that.

The effect of

la'e di'u in Example is that the speaker likes, not the previous sentence, but rather the state of affairs referred to by the previous sentence, namely his loving Jane. This cmavo compound is often written as a single word: la'edi'u. It is important not to mix up

di'u and la'edi'u, or the wrong meaning will generally result:

mi prami la djein. .i mi nelci di'u

I love Jane. And I like the-last-utterance.

says that the speaker likes one of his own sentences.

There are no pro-bridi corresponding to the di'u-series.

Assignable pro-sumti and pro-bridi: the ko'a-series and the broda-series

The following cmavo and gismu are discussed in this section: <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning ko'a KOhA KO'a-series it-1 ko'e KOhA KO'a-series it-2 ko'i KOhA KO'a-series it-3 ko'o KOhA KO'a-series it-4 ko'u KOhA KO'a-series it-5 fo'a KOhA KO'a-series it-6 fo'e KOhA KO'a-series it-7 fo'i KOhA KO'a-series it-8 fo'o KOhA KO'a-series it-9 fo'u KOhA KO'a-series it-10 broda BRIVLA broda-series is-thing-1 brode BRIVLA broda-series is-thing-2 brodi BRIVLA broda-series is-thing-3 brodo BRIVLA broda-series is-thing-4 brodu BRIVLA broda-series is-thing-5 goi GOI pro-sumti assignment cei CEI pro-bridi assignment </tab>

The discussion of personal pro-sumti in Section 10.1 may have seemed incomplete. In English, the personal pronouns include not only “I” and “you” but also “he”, “she”, “it”, and “they”. Lojban does have equivalents of this latter group: in fact, it has more of them than English does. However, they are organized and used very differently.

There are ten cmavo in the ko'a-series, and they may be assigned freely to any sumti whatsoever. The English word “he” can refer only to males, “she” only to females (and ships and a few other things), “it” only to inanimate things, and “they” only to plurals; the cmavo of the ko'a-series have no restrictions at all. Therefore, it is almost impossible to guess from the context what ko'a-series cmavo might refer to if they are just used freely:

la .alis. klama le zarci .i ko'a blanu

Alice goes-to the store. It-1 is-blue.

The English gloss “it-1”, plus knowledge about the real world, would tend to make English-speakers believe that ko'a refers to the store; in other words, that its antecedent is

le zarci. To a Lojbanist, however,

la .alis. is just as likely an antecedent, in which case Example means that Alice, not the store, is blue.

To avoid this pitfall, Lojban employs special syntax, using the cmavo goi:

la .alis. klama le zarci .i ko'a goi la .alis. cu blanu

Alice goes-to the store. It-1, also-known-as Alice, is-blue.

Syntactically,

goi la .alis. is a relative phrase (relative phrases are explained in Chapter 12). Semantically, it says that ko'a and

la .alis. refer to the same thing, and furthermore that this is true because ko'a is being defined as meaning

la .alis.. It is equally correct to say:

la .alis. klama le zarci .i la .alis. goi ko'a cu blanu

Alice goes-to the store. Alice, also-known-as it-1, is-blue.

in other words, goi is symmetrical. There is a terminator, ge'u (of selma'o GEhU), which is almost always elidable. The details are in Section 12.2.

The afterthought form of goi shown in Example and Example is probably most common in speech, where we do not know until part way through our utterance that we will want to refer to Alice again. In writing, though, ko'a may be assigned at the point where Alice is first mentioned. An example of this forethought form of goi is:

la .alis. goi ko'a klama le zarci .i ko'a cu blanu

Alice, also-known-as it-1, goes-to the store. It-1 is-blue.

Again, ko'a goi la .alis. would have been entirely acceptable in Example . This last form is reminiscent of legal jargon: “The party of the first part, hereafter known as Buyer, ...”.

Just as the ko'a-series of pro-sumti allows a substitute for a sumti which is long or complex, or which for some other reason we do not want to repeat, so the broda-series of pro-bridi allows a substitute for a selbri or even a whole bridi:

ti slasi je mlatu bo cidja lante gacri cei broda .i le crino broda cu barda .i le xunre broda cu cmalu

These are plastic cat-food can covers or thingies. The green thingy is large. The red thingy is small.

The pro-bridi broda has as its antecedent the selbri

slasi je mlatu bo cidja lante gacri. The cmavo cei performs the role of

goi in assigning broda to this long phrase, and broda can then be used just like any other brivla. (In fact, broda and its relatives actually are brivla: they are gismu in morphology, although they behave exactly like the members of selma'o GOhA. The reasons for using gismu rather than cmavo are buried in the Loglan Project's history.)

Note that pro-bridi are so called because, even though they have the grammar of selbri, their antecedents are whole bridi. In the following rather contrived example, the antecedent of brode is the whole bridi

mi klama le zarci:

mi klama cei brode le zarci .i do brode

I go-to (which-is claim-1) the store. You claim-1.

I go to the store. You, too.

In the second bridi,

do brode means

do klama le zarci, because brode carries the x2 sumti of

mi klama le zarci along with it. It also potentially carries the x1 sumti as well, but the explicit x1 sumti do overrides the mi of the antecedent bridi. Similarly, any tense or negation that is present in the antecedent is also carried, and can be overridden by explicit tense or negation cmavo on the pro-bridi. These rules hold for all pro-bridi that have antecedents.

Another use of broda and its relatives, without assignment, is as “sample gismu”:

broda ke brode brodi

a thing-1 type of (thing-2 type-of thing-3)

represents an abstract pattern, a certain kind of tanru. (Historically, this use was the original one.)

As is explained in Section , the words for Lojban letters, belonging to selma'o BY and certain related selma'o, are also usable as assignable pro-sumti. The main difference between letter pro-sumti and ko'a-series pro-sumti is that, in the absence of an explicit assignment, letters are taken to refer to the most recent name or description sumti beginning with the same letter:

mi viska le gerku .i gy. cusku zo arf.

I see the dog. D expresses the-word “Arf!”.

The Lojban word gerku begins with g, so the antecedent of gy., the cmavo for the letter g, must be

le gerku. In the English translation, we use the same principle to refer to the dog as “D”. Of course, in case of ambiguity, goi can be used to make an explicit assignment.

Furthermore, goi can even be used to assign a name:

le ninmu goi la sam. cu klama le zarci

The woman also-known-as Sam goes to-the store.

The woman, whom I'll call Sam, goes to the store.

This usage does not imply that the woman's name is Sam, or even that the speaker usually calls the woman “Sam”. “Sam” is simply a name chosen, as if at random, for use in the current context only.

Anaphoric pro-sumti and pro-bridi: the ri-series and the go'i-series

The following cmavo are discussed in this section: <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning ri KOhA ri-series (repeats last sumti) ra KOhA ri-series (repeats previous sumti) ru KOhA ri-series (repeats long-ago sumti)

go'i GOhA GO'i-series (repeats last bridi) go'a GOhA GO'i-series (repeats previous bridi) go'u GOhA GO'i-series (repeats long-ago bridi) go'e GOhA GO'i-series (repeats last-but-one bridi) go'o GOhA GO'i-series (repeats future bridi) nei GOhA GO'i-series (repeats current bridi) no'a GOhA GO'i-series (repeats outer bridi)

ra'o RAhO pro-cmavo update </tab>

The term “anaphora” literally means “repetition”, but is used in linguistics to refer to pronouns whose significance is the repetition of earlier words, namely their antecedents. Lojban provides three pro-sumti anaphora, ri, ra, and ru; and three corresponding pro-bridi anaphora, go'i, go'a, and go'u. These cmavo reveal the same vowel pattern as the ti-series, but the “distances” referred to are not physical distances, but distances from the anaphoric cmavo to its antecedent.

The cmavo ri is the simplest of these; it has the same referent as the last complete sumti appearing before the ri:

la .alis. sipna le ri kumfa

Alice sleeps-in the of-[repeat last sumti] room.

Alice sleeps in her room.

The ri in Example is equivalent to repeating the last sumti, which is

la .alis., so Example is equivalent to:

la .alis. sipna le la .alis. kumfa

Alice sleeps-in the of-Alice room.

Alice sleeps in Alice's room.

Note that ri does not repeat

le ri kumfa, because that sumti is not yet complete when ri appears. This prevents ri from getting entangled in paradoxes of self-reference. (There are plenty of other ways to do that!) Note also that sumti within other sumti, as in quotations, abstractions, and the like, are counted in the order of their beginnings; thus a lower level sumti like

la alis. in Example is considered to be more recent than a higher level sumti that contains it.

Certain sumti are ignored by ri; specifically, most of the other cmavo of KOhA, and the almost-grammatically-equivalent lerfu words of selma'o BY. It is simpler just to repeat these directly:

mi prami mi

I love me.

I love myself.

However, the cmavo of the ti-series can be picked up by ri, because you might have changed what you are pointing at, so repeating ti may not be effective. Likewise, ri itself (or rather its antecedent) can be repeated by a later ri; in fact, a string of ri cmavo with no other intervening sumti always all repeat the same sumti:

la djan. viska le tricu .i ri se jadni le ri jimca

John sees the tree. [repeat last] is-adorned-by the of-[repeat last] branch.

John sees the tree. It is adorned by its branches.

Here the second ri has as antecedent the first ri, which has as antecedent

le tricu. All three refer to the same thing: a tree.

To refer to the next-to-last sumti, the third-from-last sumti, and so on, ri may be subscripted (subscripts are explained in Section ):

lo smuci .i lo forca .i la rik. pilno rixire .i la .alis. pilno riximu

A spoon. A fork. Rick uses [repeat next-to-last]. Alice uses [repeat fifth-from-last].

Here

rixire, or “ri-sub-2”, skips

la rik. to reach

lo forca. In the same way,

riximu, or “ri-sub-5”, skips

la .alis.,

rixire,

la rik., and

lo forca to reach

lo smuci. As can clearly be seen, this procedure is barely practicable in writing, and would break down totally in speech.

Therefore, the vaguer ra and ru are also provided. The cmavo ra repeats a recently used sumti, and ru one that was further back in the speech or text. The use of ra and ru forces the listener to guess at the referent, but makes life easier for the speaker. Can ra refer to the last sumti, like ri? The answer is no if ri has also been used. If ri has not been used, then ra might be the last sumti. Likewise, if ra has been used, then any use of ru would repeat a sumti earlier than the one ra is repeating. A more reasonable version of Example Example , but one that depends more on context, is:

lo smuci .i lo forca .i la rik. pilno ra .i la .alis. pilno ru

A spoon. A fork. Rick uses [some previous thing]. Alice uses [some more remote thing].

In Example , the use of ra tells us that something other than

la rik. is the antecedent;

lo forca is the nearest sumti, so it is probably the antecedent. Similarly, the antecedent of ru must be something even further back in the utterance than

lo forca, and

lo smuci is the obvious candidate.

The meaning of ri must be determined every time it is used. Since ra and ru are more vaguely defined, they may well retain the same meaning for a while, but the listener cannot count on this behavior. To make a permanent reference to something repeated by ri, ra, or ru, use goi and a ko'a-series cmavo:

la .alis. klama le zarci .i ri goi ko'a blanu

Alice goes-to the store. It-last-mentioned also-known-as it-1 is-blue.

allows the store to be referred to henceforth as ko'a without ambiguity. Example is equivalent to Example and eliminates any possibility of ko'a being interpreted by the listener as referring to Alice.

The cmavo go'i, go'a, and go'u follow exactly the same rules as ri, ra, and ru, except that they are pro-bridi, and therefore repeat bridi, not sumti – specifically, main sentence bridi. Any bridi that are embedded within other bridi, such as relative clauses or abstractions, are not counted. Like the cmavo of the broda-series, the cmavo of the go'i-series copy all sumti with them. This makes go'i by itself convenient for answering a question affirmatively, or for repeating the last bridi, possibly with new sumti:

xu zo djan. cmene do .i go'i

[True-false?] The-word “John” is-the-name of you? [repeat last bridi].

Is John your name? Yes.

mi klama le zarci .i do go'i

I go-to the store. You [repeat last bridi].

I go to the store. You, too.

Note that Example means the same as Example , but without the bother of assigning an actual broda-series word to the first bridi. For long-term reference, use

go'i cei broda or the like, analogously to

ri goi ko'a in Example .

The remaining four cmavo of the go'i-series are provided for convenience or for achieving special effects. The cmavo go'e means the same as

go'ixire: it repeats the last bridi but one. This is useful in conversation:

A: mi ba klama le zarci B: mi nelci le si'o mi go'i A: do go'e

A: I [future] go-to the store. B: I like the concept-of I [repeat last bridi]. A: You [repeat last bridi but one].

A: I am going to the store. B: I like the idea of my going. A: You'll go, too.

Here B's sentence repeats A's within an abstraction (explained in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch):

le si'o mi go'i means

le si'o mi klama le zarci. Why must B use the word mi explicitly to replace the x1 of

mi klama le zarci, even though it looks like mi is replacing mi? Because B's mi refers to B, whereas A's mi refers to A. If B said:

mi nelci le si'o go'i

that would mean:

I like the idea of your going to the store.

The repetition signalled by go'i is not literally of words, but of concepts. Finally, A repeats her own sentence, but with the x1 changed to do, meaning B. Note that in Example , the tense ba (future time) is carried along by both go'i and go'e.

Descriptions based on go'i-series cmavo can be very useful for repeating specific sumti of previous bridi:

le xekri mlatu cu klama le zarci .i le go'i cu cadzu le bisli

The black cat goes-to the store. That-described-as-the-x1-place-of [repeat last bridi] walks-on the ice.

The black cat goes to the store. It walks on the ice.

Here the go'i repeats

le xekri mlatu cu klama le zarci, and since le makes the x1 place into a description, and the x1 place of this bridi is

le xekri mlatu,

le go'i means

le xekri mlatu.

The cmavo go'o, nei, and no'a have been little used so far. They repeat respectively some future bridi, the current bridi, and the bridi that encloses the current bridi ( no'a, unlike the other members of the go'i- series, can repeat non-sentence bridi). Here are a few examples:

mi nupre le nu mi go'o .i ba dunda le djini le bersa .i ba dunda le zdani le tixnu

I promise the event-of I [repeat future bridi] [Future] give the money to-the son [Future] give the house to-the daughter

I promise to do the following: Give the money to my son. Give the house to my daughter.

(Note: The Lojban does not contain an equivalent of the my in the colloquial English; it leaves the fact that it is the speaker's son and daughter that are referred to implicit. To make the fact explicit, use

le bersa/tixnu be mi.)

For good examples of nei and no'a, we need nested bridi contexts:

mi se pluka le nu do pensi le nu nei kei pu le nu do zukte

I am-pleased-by the event-of (you think-about (the event-of [main bridi]) before the-event of (your acting).

I am pleased that you thought about whether I would be pleased (about ...) before you acted.

mi ba klama ca le nu do no'a

I [future] go [present] the event-of you [repeats outer bridi]

I will go when you do.

Finally, ra'o is a cmavo that can be appended to any go'i-series cmavo, or indeed any cmavo of selma'o GOhA, to signal that pro-sumti or pro-bridi cmavo in the antecedent are to be repeated literally and reinterpreted in their new context. Normally, any pro-sumti used within the antecedent of the pro-bridi keep their meanings intact. In the presence of ra'o, however, their meanings must be reinterpreted with reference to the new environment. If someone says to you:

mi ba lumci lemi karce

I will wash my car.

you might reply either:

mi go'i

I will wash your car.

or:

mi go'i ra'o

I will wash my car.

The ra'o forces the second mi from the original bridi to mean the new speaker rather than the former speaker. This means that

go'e ra'o would be an acceptable alternative to

do go'e in B's statement in Example .

The anaphoric pro-sumti of this section can be used in quotations, but never refer to any of the supporting text outside the quotation, since speakers presumably do not know that they may be quoted by someone else.

However, a

ri- series or

go'a- series reference within a quotation can refer to something mentioned in an earlier quotation if the two quotations are closely related in time and context. This allows a quotation to be broken up by narrative material without interfering with the pro-sumti within it. Here's an example:

la djan. cusku lu mi klama le zarci li'u .i la .alis. cusku lu mi go'i li'u

John says [quote] I go-to the store [unquote]. Alice says [quote] I [repeat] [unquote].

John says, “I am going to the store.” Alice says, “Me too.”

Of course, there is no problem with narrative material referring to something within a quotation: people who quote, unlike people who are quoted, are aware of what they are doing.

Indefinite pro-sumti and pro-bridi: the zo'e-series and the co'e-series

The following cmavo are discussed in this section: <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning zo'e KOhA zo'e-series the obvious value zu'i KOhA zo'e-series the typical value zi'o KOhA zo'e-series the nonexistent value

co'e GOhA co'e-series has the obvious relationship </tab>

The cmavo of the zo'e-series represent indefinite, unspecified sumti. The cmavo zo'e represents an elliptical value for this sumti place; it is the optional spoken place holder when a sumti is skipped without being specified. Note that the elliptical value is not always the typical value. The properties of ellipsis lead to an elliptical sumti being defined as “whatever I want it to mean but haven't bothered to figure out, or figure out how to express”.

The cmavo zu'i, on the other hand, represents the typical value for this place of this bridi:

mi klama le bartu be le zdani le nenri be le zdani zu'i zu'i

I go to-the outside of the house from-the inside of the house [by-typical-route] [by-typical-means]

In Example , the first zu'i probably means something like “by the door”, and the second zu'i probably means something like “on foot”, those being the typical route and means for leaving a house. On the other hand, if you are at the top of a high rise during a fire, neither zu'i is appropriate. It's also common to use zu'i in “by standard” places.

Finally, the cmavo zi'o represents a value which does not even exist. When a bridi fills one of its places with zi'o, what is really meant is that the selbri has a place which is irrelevant to the true relationship the speaker wishes to express. For example, the place structure of zbasu is:

actor x1 makes x2 from materials x3

Consider the sentence

Living things are made from cells.

This cannot be correctly expressed as:

loi jmive cu se zbasu [zo'e] fi loi selci

The-mass-of living-things is-made [by-something] from the-mass-of cells

because the zo'e, expressed or understood, in Example indicates that there is still a “maker” in this relationship. We do not generally suppose, however, that someone “makes” living things from cells. The best answer is probably to find a different selbri, one which does not imply a “maker”: however, an alternative strategy is to use zi'o to eliminate the maker place:

loi jmive cu se zbasu zi'o loi selci

The-mass-of living-things is-made [without-maker] from the-mass-of cells.

Note: The use of zi'o to block up, as it were, one place of a selbri actually creates a new selbri with a different place structure. Consider the following examples:

mi zbasu le dinju loi mudri

I make the building from-some-of-the-mass-of wood.

I make the building out of wood.

zi'o zbasu le dinju loi mudri

[without-maker] makes the building from-some-of-the-mass-of wood.

The building is made out of wood.

mi zbasu zi'o loi mudri

I make [without-thing-made] from-some-of-the-mass-of wood.

I build using wood.

mi zbasu le dinju zi'o

I make the building [without-material].

I make the building.

If Example is true, then Example through Example must be true also. However, Example does not correspond to any sentence with three regular (non-zi'o) sumti.

The pro-bridi co'e (which by itself constitutes the co'e-series of selma'o GOhA) represents the elliptical selbri. Lojban grammar does not allow the speaker to merely omit a selbri from a bridi, although any or all sumti may be freely omitted. Being vague about a relationship requires the use of co'e as a selbri place-holder:

mi troci le nu mi co'e le vorme

I try the event-of my [doing-the-obvious-action] to-the door.

I try the door.

The English version means, and the Lojban version probably means, that I try to open the door, but the relationship of opening is not actually specified; the Lojbanic listener must guess it from context. Lojban, unlike English, makes it clear that there is an implicit action that is not being expressed.

The form of co'e was chosen to resemble zo'e; the cmavo do'e of selma'o BAI (see Section ) also belongs to the same group of cmavo.

Note that do'i, of the di'u-series, is also a kind of indefinite pro-sumti: it is indefinite in referent, but is restricted to referring only to an utterance.

Reflexive and reciprocal pro-sumti: the vo'a-series

The following cmavo are discussed in this section: <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning vo'a KOhA vo'a-series x1 of this bridi vo'e KOhA vo'a-series x2 of this bridi vo'i KOhA vo'a-series x3 of this bridi vo'o KOhA vo'a-series x4 of this bridi vo'u KOhA vo'a-series x5 of this bridi

soi SOI reciprocity

se'u SEhU soi terminator </tab>

The cmavo of the vo'a-series are pro-sumti anaphora, like those of the ri-series, but have a specific function. These cmavo refer to the other places of the same bridi; the five of them represent up to five places. The same vo'a-series cmavo mean different things in different bridi. Some examples:

mi lumci vo'a

I wash myself

mi klama le zarci vo'e

I go to the store from itself [by some route unspecified].

To refer to places of neighboring bridi, constructions like

le se go'i ku do the job: this refers to the 2nd place of the previous main bridi, as explained in Section 10.5.

The cmavo of the vo'a-series are also used with soi (of selma'o SOI) to precisely express reciprocity, which in English is imprecisely expressed with a discursive phrase like “vice versa”:

mi prami do soi vo'a vo'e

I love you [reciprocity] [x1 of this bridi] [x2 of this bridi].

I love you and vice versa (swapping “I” and “you”).

The significance of

soi vo'a vo'e is that the bridi is still true even if the x1 (specified by vo'a) and the x2 (specified by vo'e) places are interchanged. If only a single sumti follows soi, then the sumti immediately preceding soi is understood to be one of those involved:

mi prami do soi vo'a

I love you [reciprocity] [x1 of this bridi].

again involves the x1 and x2 places.

Of course, other places can be involved, and other sumti may be used in place of vo'a-series cmavo, provided those other sumti can be reasonably understood as referring to the same things mentioned in the bridi proper. Here are several examples that mean the same thing:

mi bajykla ti ta soi vo'e

mi bajykla ti ta soi vo'e vo'i

soi vo'e vo'i mi bajykla ti ta

I runningly-go to this from that and vice versa (to that from this).

The elidable terminator for soi is se'u (selma'o SEhU), which is normally needed only if there is just one sumti after the soi, and the soi construction is not at the end of the bridi. Constructions using soi are free modifiers, and as such can go almost anywhere. Here is an example where se'u is required:

mi bajykla ti soi vo'i se'u ta

I runningly-go to-this [reciprocity] [x3 of this bridi] from-that

I run to this from that and vice versa.

sumti and bridi questions: ma and mo

The following cmavo are discussed in this section:

ma

KOhA

description

mo

GOhA

description

Lojban questions are more fully explained in Section , but ma and mo are listed in this chapter for completeness. The cmavo ma asks for a sumti to make the bridi true:

do klama ma

You go to-what-destination?

Where are you going?

The cmavo mo, on the other hand, asks for a selbri which makes the question bridi true. If the answer is a full bridi, then the arguments of the answer override the arguments in the question, in the same manner as the go'i-series cmavo. A simple example is:

do mo

What predicate is true as applied to you?

How are you?

What are you doing?

What are you?

Example is a truly pregnant question that will have several meanings depending on context.

(One thing it probably does not mean is “Who are you?” in the sense “What is your name/identity?”, which is better expressed by:

ma cmene do

What sumti is-the-name-of you?

What is your name?

or even

doi ma

O [what sumti?]

which uses the vocative doi to address someone, and simultaneously asks who the someone is.)

A further example of mo:

lo mo prenu cu darxi do .i barda

A [what selbri?] type-of person hit you? (Observative:) A big thing.

Which person hit you? The big one.

When ma or mo is repeated, multiple questions are being asked simultaneously:

ma djuno ma

[What sumti] knows [what sumti]?

Who knows what?

Relativized pro-sumti: ke'a

The following cmavo are discussed in this section:

ke'a

KOhA

description

This pro-sumti is used in relative clauses (explained in Chapter 12) to indicate how the sumti being relativized fits within the clause. For example:

mi catlu lo mlatu poi [zo'e] zbasu ke'a lei slasi

I see a cat such-that something-unspecified makes the-thing-being-relativized [the cat] from-some-mass-of plastic.

I see a cat made of plastic.

If ke'a were omitted from Example , it might be confused with:

mi catlu lo mlatu poi [ke'a] zbasu lei slasi

I see a cat such-that the-thing-being-relativized [the cat] makes a-mass-of plastic

I see a cat that makes plastic.

The anaphora cmavo ri cannot be used in place of ke'a in Example and Example , because the relativized sumti is not yet complete when the ke'a appears.

Note that ke'a is used only with relative clauses, and not with other embedded bridi such as abstract descriptions. In the case of relative clauses within relative clauses, ke'a may be subscripted to make the difference clear (See Section 12.9).

Abstraction focus pro-sumti: ce'u

The following cmavo are discussed in this section:

ce'u

KOhA

description

The cmavo ce'u is used within abstraction bridi, particularly property abstractions introduced by the cmavo ka. Abstractions, including the uses of ce'u, are discussed in full in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch.

In brief: Every property abstraction specifies a property of one of the sumti in it; that sumti place is filled by using ce'u. This convention enables us to distinguish clearly between:

le ka ce'u gleki

the property-of (X being-happy)

the property of being happy

happiness

and

le ka gleki ce'u

the property-of (being-happy about-X)

the property of being that which someone is happy about

Bound variable pro-sumti and pro-bridi: the da-series and the bu'a-series

The following cmavo are discussed in this section: <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning da KOhA da-series something-1 de KOhA da-series something-2 di KOhA da-series something-3

bu'a GOhA bu'a-series some-predicate-1 bu'e GOhA bu'a-series some-predicate-2 bu'i GOhA bu'a-series some-predicate-3 </tab>

Bound variables belong to the predicate-logic part of Lojban, and are listed here for completeness only. Their semantics is explained in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch. It is worth mentioning that the Lojban translation of Example is:

la djan. cu lafti da poi grana ku'o gi'e desygau da

John raised something-1 which is-a-stick and shake-did something-1.

John picked up a stick and shook it.

Pro-sumti and pro-bridi cancelling

The following cmavo are discussed in this section: <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning da'o DAhO cancel all pro-sumti/pro-bridi </tab>

How long does a pro-sumti or pro-bridi remain stable? In other words, once we know the referent of a pro-sumti or pro-bridi, how long can we be sure that future uses of the same cmavo have the same referent? The answer to this question depends on which series the cmavo belongs to.

Personal pro-sumti are stable until there is a change of speaker or listener, possibly signaled by a vocative. Assignable pro-sumti and pro-bridi last indefinitely or until rebound with goi or cei. Bound variable pro-sumti and pro-bridi also generally last until re-bound; details are available in Section .

Utterance pro-sumti are stable only within the utterance in which they appear; similarly, reflexive pro-sumti are stable only within the bridi in which they appear; and ke'a is stable only within its relative clause. Anaphoric pro-sumti and pro-bridi are stable only within narrow limits depending on the rules for the particular cmavo.

Demonstrative pro-sumti, indefinite pro-sumti and pro-bridi, and sumti and bridi questions potentially change referents every time they are used.

However, there are ways to cancel all pro-sumti and pro-bridi, so that none of them have known referents. (Some, such as mi, will acquire the same referent as soon as they are used again after the cancellation.) The simplest way to cancel everything is with the cmavo da'o of selma'o DAhO, which is used solely for this purpose; it may appear anywhere, and has no effect on the grammar of texts containing it. One use of da'o is when entering a conversation, to indicate that one's pro-sumti assignments have nothing to do with any assignments already made by other participants in the conversation.

In addition, the cmavo ni'o and no'i of selma'o NIhO, which are used primarily to indicate shifts in topic, may also have the effect of canceling pro-sumti and pro-bridi assignments, or of reinstating ones formerly in effect. More explanations of NIhO can be found in Section .

The identity predicate: du

The following cmavo is discussed in this section: <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning du GOhA identity </tab>

The cmavo du has the place structure:

x1 is identical with x2, x3, ...

and appears in selma'o GOhA for reasons of convenience: it is not a pro-bridi. du serves as mathematical “=”, and outside mathematical contexts is used for defining or identifying. Mathematical examples may be found in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch.

The main difference between

ko'a du le nanmu

It-1 is-identical-to the man

and

ko'a mintu le nanmu

It-1 is-the-same-as the man

is this defining nature. Example presumes that the speaker is responding to a request for information about what ko'a refers to, or that the speaker in some way feels the need to define ko'a for later reference. A bridi with du is an identity sentence, somewhat metalinguistically saying that all attached sumti are representations for the same referent. There may be any number of sumti associated with du, and all are said to be identical.Example , however, predicates; it is used to make a claim about the identity of ko'a, which presumably has been defined previously.

Note: du historically is derived from dunli, but dunli has a third place which du lacks: the standard of equality.

lujvo based on pro-sumti

There exist rafsi allocated to a few cmavo of selma'o KOhA, but they are rarely used. (See Section 10.15 for a complete list.) The obvious way to use them is as internal sumti, filling in an appropriate place of the gismu or lujvo to which they are attached; as such, they usually stand as the first rafsi in their lujvo.

Thus donta'a, meaning “you-talk”, would be interpreted as

tavla be do, and would have the place structure

t1 talks to you about subject t3 in language t4

since t2 (the addressee) is already known to be do.

On the other hand, the lujvo donma'o, literally “you-cmavo”, which means “a second person personal pronoun”, would be interpreted as

cmavo be zo do, and have the place structure:

c1 is a second person pronoun in language c4

since both the c2 place (the grammatical class) and the c3 place (the meaning) are obvious from the context do.

An anticipated use of rafsi for cmavo in the fo'a series is to express lujvo which can't be expressed in a convenient rafsi form, because they are too long to express, or are formally inconvenient (fu'ivla, cmene, and so forth.) An example would be:

fo'a goi le kulnrsu,omi .i lo fo'arselsanga

x6 stands for Finnish-culture. An x6-song.

Finally, lujvo involving zi'o are also possible, and are fully discussed in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch. In brief, the convention is to use the rafsi for zi'o as a prefix immediately followed by the rafsi for the number of the place to be deleted. Thus, if we consider a beverage (something drunk without considering who, if anyone, drinks it) as a

se pinxe be zi'o, the lujvo corresponding to this is zilrelselpinxe (deleting the second place of

se pinxe). Deleting the x1 place in this fashion would move all remaining places up by one. This would mean that zilpavypinxe has the same place structure as zilrelselpinxe, and

lo zilpavypinxe, like

lo zilrelselpinxe, refers to a beverage, and not to a non-existent drinker.

The pro-bridi co'e, du, and bu'a also have rafsi, which can be used just as if they were gismu. The resulting lujvo have (except for

du- based lujvo) highly context-dependent meanings.

KOhA cmavo by series

<tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning mi-series: mi I (rafsi: mib) do you (rafsi: don and “doi”) mi'o you and I mi'a I and others, we but not you ma'a you and I and others do'o you and others ko you-imperative

ti-series: ti this here; something nearby (rafsi: tif) ta that there; something distant (rafsi: taz) tu that yonder; something far distant (rafsi: tuf)

di'u-series: di'u the previous utterance de'u an earlier utterance da'u a much earlier utterance di'e the next utterance de'e a later utterance da'e a much later utterance dei this very utterance do'i some utterance

ko'a-series: ko'a it-1; 1st assignable pro-sumti ko'e it-2; 2nd assignable pro-sumti ko'i it-3; 3rd assignable pro-sumti ko'o it-4; 4th assignable pro-sumti ko'u it-5; 5th assignable pro-sumti

fo'a it-6; 6th assignable pro-sumti (rafsi: fo'a) fo'e it-7; 7th assignable pro-sumti (rafsi: fo'e) fo'i it-8; 8th assignable pro-sumti (rafsi: fo'i) fo'o it-9; 9th assignable pro-sumti fo'u it-10; 10th assignable pro-sumti

ri-series: ri (repeats the last sumti) ra (repeats a previous sumti) ru (repeats a long-ago sumti)

zo'e-series: zo'e the obvious value zu'i the typical value zi'o the nonexistent value (rafsi: zil)

vo'a-series: vo'a x1 of this bridi vo'e x2 of this bridi vo'i x3 of this bridi vo'o x4 of this bridi vo'u x5 of this bridi

da-series: da something-1 (rafsi: dav/dza) de something-2 di something-3

others: ke'a relativized sumti ma sumti question ce'u abstraction focus </tab>

GOhA and other pro-bridi by series

<tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning broda-series (not GOhA): broda is-1; 1st assignable pro-bridi brode is-2; 2nd assignable pro-bridi brodi is-3; 3rd assignable pro-bridi brodo is-4; 4th assignable pro-bridi brodu is-5; 5th assignable pro-bridi

go'i-series: go'i (repeats the last bridi) go'a (repeats a previous bridi) go'u (repeats a long-ago bridi) go'e (repeats the last-but-one bridi) go'o (repeats a future bridi) nei (repeats the current bridi) no'a (repeats the next outer bridi)

bu'a-series: bu'a some-predicate-1 (rafsi: bul) bu'e some-predicate-2 bu'i some-predicate-3

others: co'e has the obvious relationship (rafsi: com/ co'e) mo bridi question du identity: x1 is identical to x2, x3 ... (rafsi: dub/du'o) </tab>

Other cmavo discussed in this chapter

<tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning goi GOI pro-sumti assignment (ko'a-series) cei CEI pro-bridi assignment (broda-series) ra'o RAhO pro-sumti/pro-bridi update soi SOI reciprocity se'u SEhU soi terminator da'o DAhO cancel all pro-sumti/pro-bridi </tab>

Relative Clauses

What are you pointing at?

The following cmavo are discussed in this section: <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning poi NOI restrictive relative clause introducer ke'a GOhA relative pro-sumti ku'o KUhO relative clause terminator </tab>

Let us think about the problem of communicating what it is that we are pointing at when we are pointing at something. In Lojban, we can refer to what we are pointing at by using the pro-sumti ti if it is nearby, or ta if it is somewhat further away, or tu if it is distant. (Pro-sumti are explained in full in Chapter 10.)

However, even with the assistance of a pointing finger, or pointing lips, or whatever may be appropriate in the local culture, it is often hard for a listener to tell just what is being pointed at. Suppose one is pointing at a person (in particular, in the direction of his or her face), and says:

Example 12.1:

ti cu barda

This-one is-big.

What is the referent of ti? Is it the person? Or perhaps it is the person's nose? Or even (for ti can be plural as well as singular, and mean “these ones” as well as “this one”) the pores on the person's nose?

To help solve this problem, Lojban uses a construction called a “relative clause”. Relative clauses are usually attached to the end of sumti, but there are other places where they can go as well, as explained later in this chapter. A relative clause begins with a word of selma'o NOI, and ends with the elidable terminator ku'o (of selma'o KUhO). As you might suppose, noi is a cmavo of selma'o NOI; however, first we will discuss the cmavo poi, which also belongs to selma'o NOI.

In between the poi and the ku'o appears a full bridi, with the same syntax as any other bridi. Anywhere within the bridi of a relative clause, the pro-sumti ke'a (of selma'o KOhA) may be used, and it stands for the sumti to which the relative clause is attached (called the “relativized sumti”). Here are some examples before we go any further:

Example 12.2:

ti poi ke'a prenu ku'o cu barda

This-thing such-that-(IT is-a-person) is-large.

This thing which is a person is big.

This person is big.

Example 12.3:

<title>

ti poi ke'a nazbi ku'o cu barda

This-thing such-that-(IT is-a-nose) is-large.

This thing which is a nose is big.

This nose is big.

Example 12.4:

ti poi ke'a nazbi kapkevna ku'o cu barda

This-thing such-that-(IT is-a-nose-type-of skin-hole) is-big.

These things which are nose-pores are big.

These nose-pores are big.

In the literal translations throughout this chapter, the word “IT”, capitalized, is used to represent the cmavo ke'a. In each case, it serves to represent the sumti (in Example 12.2 through Example 12.4, the cmavo ti) to which the relative clause is attached.

Of course, there is no reason why ke'a needs to appear in the x1 place of a relative clause bridi; it can appear in any place, or indeed even in a sub-bridi within the relative clause bridi. Here are two more examples:

Example 12.5:

tu poi le mlatu pu lacpu ke'a ku'o cu ratcu

That-distant-thing such-that (the cat [past] drags IT) is-a-rat.

That thing which the cat dragged is a rat.

What the cat dragged is a rat.

Example 12.6:

ta poi mi djica le nu mi ponse ke'a [kei] ku'o cu bloti

That-thing such-that( I desire the event-of( I own IT ) ) is-a-boat.

That thing that I want to own is a boat.

In Example 12.6, ke'a appears in an abstraction clause (abstractions are explained in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch) within a relative clause.

Like any sumti, ke'a can be omitted. The usual presumption in that case is that it then falls into the x1 place:

Example 12.7:

ti poi nazbi cu barda

This-thing which is-a-nose is-big.

almost certainly means the same thing as Example 12.3. However, ke'a can be omitted if it is clear to the listener that it belongs in some place other than x1:

Example 12.8:

tu poi le mlatu pu lacpu cu ratcu

That-distant-thing which the cat [past] drags is-a-rat

is equivalent to Example 12.4.

As stated before, ku'o is an elidable terminator, and in fact it is almost always elidable. Throughout the rest of this chapter, ku'o will not be written in any of the examples unless it is absolutely required: thus, Example 12.2 can be written:

Example 12.9:

ti poi prenu cu barda

That which is-a-person is-big.

That person is big.

without any change in meaning. Note that poi is translated “which” rather than “such-that” when ke'a has been omitted from the x1 place of the relative clause bridi. The word “which” is used in English to introduce English relative clauses: other words that can be used are “who” and “that”, as in:

Example 12.10:

I saw a man who was going to the store.

and

Example 12.11:

The building that the school was located in is large.

In Example 12.10 the relative clause is “who was going to the store”, and in Example 12.11 it is “that the school was located in”. Sometimes “who”, “which”, and “that” are used in literal translations in this chapter in order to make them read more smoothly.

Incidental relative clauses

The following cmavo is discussed in this section: <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning noi NOI incidental relative clause introducer </tab>

There are two basic kinds of relative clauses: restrictive relative clauses introduced by poi, and incidental (sometimes called simply “non-restrictive”) relative clauses introduced by noi. The difference between restrictive and incidental relative clauses is that restrictive clauses provide information that is essential to identifying the referent of the sumti to which they are attached, whereas incidental relative clauses provide additional information which is helpful to the listener but is not essential for identifying the referent of the sumti. All of the examples in Section are restrictive relative clauses: the information in the relative clause is essential to identification. (The title of this chapter, though, uses an incidental relative clause.)

Consider the following examples:

Example 12.12:

le gerku poi blanu cu barda

The dog which is-blue is-large.

The dog which is blue is large.

Example 12.13:

le gerku noi blanu cu barda

The dog incidentally-which is-blue is-large.

The dog, which is blue, is large.

In Example 12.12, the information conveyed by

poi blanu is essential to identifying the dog in question: it restricts the possible referents from dogs in general to dogs that are blue. This is why poi relative clauses are called restrictive. In Example 12.13, on the other hand, the dog which is referred to has presumably already been identified clearly, and the relative clause

noi blanu just provides additional information about it. (If in fact the dog hasn't been identified clearly, then the relative clause does not help identify it further.)

In English, the distinction between restrictive and incidental relative clauses is expressed in writing by surrounding incidental, but not restrictive, clauses with commas. These commas are functioning as parentheses, because incidental relative clauses are essentially parenthetical. This distinction in punctuation is represented in speech by a difference in tone of voice. In addition, English restrictive relative clauses can be introduced by “that” as well as “which” and “who”, whereas incidental relative clauses cannot begin with “that”. Lojban, however, always uses the cmavo poi and noi rather than punctuation or intonation to make the distinction.

Here are more examples of incidental relative clauses:

Example 12.14:

mi noi jdice cu zvati

I who-incidentally am-a-judge am-at [some-place].

I, a judge, am present.

In this example, mi is already sufficiently restricted, and the additional information that I am a judge is being provided solely for the listener's edification.

Example 12.15:

xu do viska le mi karce noi blabi

[True?] You see my car incidentally-which is-white.

Do you see my car, which is white?

In Example 12.15, the speaker is presumed to have only one car, and is providing incidental information that it is white. (Alternatively, he or she might have more than one car, since

le karce can be plural, in which case the incidental information is that each of them is white.) Contrast Example 12.16 with a restrictive relative clause:

Example 12.16:

xu do viska le mi karce poi blabi

[True?] You see my car which is-white.

Do you see my car that is white?

Do you see my white car?

Here the speaker probably has several cars, and is restricting the referent of the sumti

le mi karce (and thereby the listener's attention) to the white one only. Example 12.16 means much the same as Example 12.17, which does not use a relative clause:

Example 12.17:

xu do viska le mi blabi karce

[True?] You see my white car.

Do you see my car, the white one?

So a restrictive relative clause attached to a description can often mean the same as a description involving a tanru. However,

blabi karce, like all tanru, is somewhat vague: in principle, it might refer to a car which carries white things, or even express some more complicated concept involving whiteness and car-ness; the restrictive relative clause of Example 12.16 can only refer to a car which is white, not to any more complex or extended concept.

Relative phrases

The following cmavo are discussed in this section: <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning pe GOI restrictive association po GOI restrictive possession po'e GOI restrictive intrinsic possession po'u GOI restrictive identification ne GOI incidental association no'u GOI incidental identification

ge'u GEhU relative phrase terminator </tab>

There are types of relative clauses (those which have a certain selbri) which are frequently wanted in Lojban, and can be expressed using a shortcut called a relative phrase. Relative phrases are introduced by cmavo of selma'o GOI, and consist of a GOI cmavo followed by a single sumti.

Here is an example of pe, plus an equivalent sentence using a relative clause:

Example 12.18:

le stizu pe mi cu blanu

The chair associated-with me is-blue.

My chair is blue.

Example 12.19:

le stizu poi ke'a srana mi cu blanu

The chair such-that( IT is-associated-with me) is-blue.

In Example 12.18 and Example 12.19, the link between the chair and the speaker is of the loosest kind.

Here is an example of po:

Example 12.20:

le stizu po mi cu xunre

The chair specific-to me is red.

Example 12.21:

le stizu poi ke'a se steci srana mi cu xunre

The chair such-that (IT is-specifically associated-with me) is-red.

Example 12.20 and Example 12.21 contrast with Example 12.18 and Example 12.19: the chair is more permanently connected with the speaker. A plausible (though not the only possible) contrast between Example 12.18 and Example 12.20 is that

pe mi would be appropriate for a chair the speaker is currently sitting on (whether or not the speaker owned that chair), and

po mi for a chair owned by the speaker (whether or not he or she was currently occupying it).

As a result, the relationship expressed between two sumti by po is usually called “possession”, although it does not necessarily imply ownership, legal or otherwise. The central concept is that of specificity ( steci in Lojban).

Here is an example of po'e, as well as another example of po:

Example 12.22:

le birka po'e mi cu spofu

The arm intrinsically-possessed-by me is-broken

Example 12.23:

le birka poi jinzi ke se steci srana mi cu spofu

The arm which is-intrinsically (specifically associated-with) me is-broken.

Example 12.24:

le botpi po mi cu spofu

The bottle specific-to me is-broken

Example 12.22 and Example 12.23 on the one hand, and Example 12.24 on the other, illustrate the contrast between two types of possession called “intrinsic” and “extrinsic”, or sometimes “inalienable” and “alienable”, respectively. Something is intrinsically (or inalienably) possessed by someone if the possession is part of the possessor, and cannot be changed without changing the possessor. In the case of Example 12.22, people are usually taken to intrinsically possess their arms: even if an arm is cut off, it remains the arm of that person. (If the arm is transplanted to another person, however, it becomes intrinsically possessed by the new user, though, so intrinsic possession is a matter of degree.)

By contrast, the bottle of Example 12.24 can be given away, or thrown away, or lost, or stolen, so it is possessed extrinsically (alienably). The exact line between intrinsic and extrinsic possession is culturally dependent. The U.S. Declaration of Independence speaks of the “inalienable rights” of men, but just what those rights are, and even whether the concept makes sense at all, varies from culture to culture.

Note that Example 12.22 can also be expressed without a relative clause:

Example 12.25:

le birka be mi cu spofu

The arm of-body me is broken

reflecting the fact that the gismu birka has an x2 place representing the body to which the arm belongs. Many, but not all, cases of intrinsic possession can be thus covered without using po'e by placing the possessor into the appropriate place of the description selbri.

Here is an example of po'u:

Example 12.26:

le gerku po'u le mi pendo cu cinba mi

The dog which-is my friend kisses me.

Example 12.27:

le gerku poi du le mi pendo cu cinba mi

The dog which = my friend kisses me.

The cmavo po'u does not represent possession at all, but rather identity. (Note that it means

poi du and its form was chosen to suggest the relationship.)

In Example 12.26, the use of po'u tells us that

le gerku and

le mi pendo represent the same thing. Consider the contrast between Example 12.26 and:

Example 12.28:

le mi pendo po'u le gerku cu cinba mi

My friend which-is the dog kisses me.

The facts of the case are the same, but the listener's knowledge about the situation may not be. In Example 12.26, the listener is presumed not to understand which dog is meant by

le gerku, so the speaker adds a relative phrase clarifying that it is the particular dog which is the speaker's friend.Example 12.28, however, assumes that the listener does not know which of the speaker's friends is referred to, and specifies that it is the friend that is the dog (which dog is taken to be obvious). Here is another example of the same contrast:

Example 12.29:

le tcadu po'u la nu,iork

The city of New York [not another city]

Example 12.30:

la nu,iork po'u le tcadu

New York the city (not the state or some other New York)

The principle that the possessor and the possessed may change places applies to all the GOI cmavo, and allows for the possibility of odd effects:

Example 12.31:

le kabri pe le mi pendo cu cmalu

The cup associated-with my friend is small.

My friend's cup is small

Example 12.32:

le mi pendo pe le kabri cu cmalu

My friend associated-with the cup is small.

My friend, the one with the cup, is small.

Example 12.31 is useful in a context which is about my friend, and states that his or her cup is small, whereas Example 12.32 is useful in a context that is primarily about a certain cup, and makes a claim about “my friend of the cup”, as opposed to some other friend of mine. Here the cup appears to “possess” the person! English can't even express this relationship with a possessive – “the cup's friend of mine” looks like nonsense – but Lojban has no trouble doing so.

Finally, the cmavo ne and no'u stand to pe and po'u, respectively, as noi does to

poi- they provide incidental information:

Example 12.33:

le blabi gerku ne mi cu batci do

The white dog, incidentally-associated-with me, bites you.

The white dog, which is mine, bites you.

In Example 12.33, the white dog is already fully identified (after all, presumably the listener knows which dog bit him or her!). The fact that it is yours is merely incidental to the main bridi claim.

Distinguishing between po'u and no'u can be a little tricky. Consider a room with several men in it, one of whom is named Jim. If you don't know their names, I might say:

Example 12.34:

le nanmu no'u la djim. cu terpemci

The man, incidentally-who-is Jim, is-a-poet.

The man, Jim, is a poet.

Here I am saying that one of the men is a poet, and incidentally telling you that he is Jim. But if you do know the names, then

Example 12.35:

le nanmu po'u la djim. cu terpemci

The man who-is Jim is-a-poet.

The man Jim is a poet.

is appropriate. Now I am using the fact that the man I am speaking of is Jim in order to pick out which man I mean.

It is worth mentioning that English sometimes over-specifies possession from the Lojban point of view (and the point of view of many other languages, including ones closely related to English). The idiomatic English sentence

Example 12.36:

The man put his hands in his pockets.

seems strange to a French- or German-speaking person: whose pockets would he put his hands into? and even odder, whose hands would he put into his pockets? In Lojban, the sentence

Example 12.37:

le nanmu cu punji le xance le daski

The man puts the hand at-locus-the pocket.

is very natural. Of course, if the man is in fact putting his hands into another's pockets, or another's hands into his pockets, the fact can be specified.

Finally, the elidable terminator for GOI cmavo is ge'u of selma'o GEhU; it is almost never required. However, if a logical connective immediately follows a sumti modified by a relative phrase, then an explicit ge'u is needed to allow the connective to affect the relativized sumti rather than the sumti of the relative phrase. (What about the cmavo after which selma'o GOI is named? It is discussed in Section 10.4, as it is not semantically akin to the other kinds of relative phrases, although the syntax is the same.)

Multiple relative clauses: zi'e

<tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning zi'e ZIhE relative clause joiner </tab>

Sometimes it is necessary or useful to attach more than one relative clause to a sumti. This is made possible in Lojban by the cmavo zi'e (of selma'o ZIhE), which is used to join one or more relative clauses together into a single unit, thus making them apply to the same sumti. For example:

Example 12.38:

le gerku poi blabi zi'e poi batci le nanmu cu klama

The dog which is white and which bites the man goes.

The most usual translation of zi'e in English is “and”, but zi'e is not really a logical connective: unlike most of the true logical connectives (which are explained in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch), it cannot be converted into a logical connection between sentences.

It is perfectly correct to use zi'e to connect relative clauses of different kinds:

Example 12.39:

le gerku poi blabi zi'e noi le mi pendo cu ponse ke'a cu klama

The dog that-is (white) and incidentally-such-that (my friend owns IT) goes.

The dog that is white, which my friend owns, is going.

In Example 12.39, the restrictive clause

poi blabi specifies which dog is referred to, but the incidental clause

noi le mi pendo cu ponse is mere incidental information: the listener is supposed to already have identified the dog from the

poi blabi. Of course, the meaning (though not necessarily the emphasis) is the same if the incidental clause appears first.

It is also possible to connect relative phrases with zi'e, or a relative phrase with a relative clause:

Example 12.40:

le botpi po mi zi'e poi blanu cu spofu

The bottle specific-to me and which-is blue is-broken.

My blue bottle is broken.

Note that if the colloquial translation of Example 12.40 were “My bottle, which is blue, is broken”, then noi rather than poi would have been correct in the Lojban version, since that version of the English implies that you do not need to know the bottle is blue. As written, Example 12.40 suggests that I probably have more than one bottle, and the one in question needs to be picked out as the blue one.

Example 12.41:

mi ba zutse le stizu pe mi zi'e po do zi'e poi xunre

I [future] sit-in the chair associated-with me and specific-to you and which-is red.

I will sit in my chair (really yours), the red one.

Example 12.41 illustrates that more than two relative phrases or clauses can be connected with zi'e. It almost defies colloquial translation because of the very un-English contrast between

pe mi, implying that the chair is temporarily connected with me, and

po do, implying that the chair has a more permanent association with you. (Perhaps I am a guest in your house, in which case the chair would naturally be your property.)

Here is another example, mixing a relative phrase and two relative clauses, a restrictive one and a non-restrictive one:

Example 12.42:

mi ba citka le dembi pe mi zi'e poi cpana le mi palta zi'e noi do dunda ke'a mi

I [future] eat the beans associated-with me and which are-upon my plate and which-incidentally you gave IT to-me.

I'll eat my beans that are on my plate, the ones you gave me.

Non-veridical relative clauses: voi

<tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning voi NOI non-veridical relative clause introducer </tab>

There is another member of selma'o NOI which serves to introduce a third kind of relative clause: voi. Relative clauses introduced by voi are restrictive, like those introduced by poi. However, there is a fundamental difference between poi and voi relative clauses. A poi relative clause is said to be veridical, in the same sense that a description using lo or loi is: it is essential to the interpretation that the bridi actually be true. For example:

Example 12.43:

le gerku poi blabi cu klama

The dog which is-white goes.

it must actually be true that the dog is white, or the sentence constitutes a miscommunication. If there is a white dog and a brown dog, and the speaker uses

le gerku poi blabi to refer to the brown dog, then the listener will not understand correctly. However,

Example 12.44:

le gerku voi blabi cu klama

The dog which-I-describe-as white goes.

puts the listener on notice that the dog in question may not actually meet objective standards (whatever they are) for being white: only the speaker can say exactly what is meant by the term. In this way, voi is like le; the speaker's intention determines the meaning.

As a result, the following two sentences

Example 12.45:

le nanmu cu ninmu

That-which-I-describe-as a-man is-a-woman.

The “guy” is actually a gal.

Example 12.46:

ti voi nanmu cu ninmu

This-thing which-I-describe-as a-man is-a-woman.

mean essentially the same thing (except that Example 12.46 involves pointing thanks to the use of ti, whereas Example 12.45 doesn't), and neither one is self-contradictory: it is perfectly all right to describe something as a man (although perhaps confusing to the listener) even if it actually is a woman.

Relative clauses and descriptors

So far, this chapter has described the various kinds of relative clauses (including relative phrases). The list is now complete, and the rest of the chapter will be concerned with the syntax of sumti that include relative clauses. So far, all relative clauses have appeared directly after the sumti to which they are attached. This is the most common position (and originally the only one), but a variety of other placements are also possible which produce a variety of semantic effects.

There are actually three places where a relative clause can be attached to a description sumti: after the descriptor ( le, lo, or whatever), after the embedded selbri but before the elidable terminator (which is ku), and after the ku. The relative clauses attached to descriptors that we have seen have occupied the second position. Thus Example 12.43, if written out with all elidable terminators, would appear as:

Example 12.47:

le gerku poi blabi ku'o ku cu klama vau

The (dog which (is-white) ) goes.

The dog which is white is going.

Here ku'o is the terminator paired with poi and ku with le, and vau is the terminator of the whole bridi.

When a simple descriptor using le, like

le gerku, has a relative clause attached, it is purely a matter of style and emphasis where the relative clause should go. Therefore, the following examples are all equivalent in meaning to Example 12.47:

Example 12.48:

le poi blabi ku'o gerku cu klama

The such-that (it-is-white) dog goes.

Example 12.49:

le gerku ku poi blabi cu klama

The (dog) which is-white goes.Example 12.47 will seem most natural to speakers of languages like English, which always puts relative clauses after the noun phrases they are attached to; Example 12.48, on the other hand, may seem more natural to Finnish or Chinese speakers, who put the relative clause first. Note that in Example 12.48, the elidable terminator ku'o must appear, or the selbri of the relative clause ( blabi) will merge with the selbri of the description ( gerku), resulting in an ungrammatical sentence. The purpose of the form appearing in Example 12.49 will be apparent shortly.

As is explained in detail in Section 8.6, two different numbers (known as the “inner quantifier” and the “outer quantifier”) can be attached to a description. The inner quantifier specifies how many things the descriptor refers to: it appears between the descriptor and the description selbri. The outer quantifier appears before the descriptor, and specifies how many of the things referred to by the descriptor are involved in this particular bridi. In the following example,

Example 12.50:

re le mu prenu cu klama le zarci

Two-of the five persons go to-the market.

Two of the five people [that I have in mind] are going to the market.

mu is the inner quantifier and re is the outer quantifier. Now what is meant by attaching a relative clause to the sumti

re le mu prenu? Suppose the relative clause is

poi ninmu (meaning “who are women”). Now the three possible attachment points discussed previously take on significance.

Example 12.51:

re le poi ninmu ku'o mu prenu cu klama le zarci

Two of the such-that([they] are-women) five persons go to-the market.

Two women out of the five persons go to the market.

Example 12.52:

re le mu prenu poi ninmu [ku] cu klama le zarci

Two of the (five persons which are-women) go to-the market.

Two of the five women go to the market.

Example 12.53:

re le mu prenu ku poi ninmu cu klama le zarci

(Two of the five persons) which are-women go to-the market.

Two women out of the five persons go to the market.

As the parentheses show, Example 12.52 means that all five of the persons are women, whereas Example 12.53 means that the two who are going to the market are women. How do we remember which is which? If the relative clause comes after the explicit ku, as in Example 12.53, then the sumti as a whole is qualified by the relative clause. If there is no ku, or if the relative clause comes before an explicit ku, then the relative clause is understood to apply to everything which the underlying selbri applies to.

What about Example 12.51? By convention, it means the same as Example 12.53, and it requires no ku, but it does typically require a ku'o instead. Note that the relative clause comes before the inner quantifier.

When le is the descriptor being used, and the sumti has no explicit outer quantifier, then the outer quantifier is understood to be ro (meaning “all”), as is explained in Section 8.6. Thus

le gerku is taken to mean “all of the things I refer to as dogs”, possibly all one of them. In that case, there is no difference between a relative clause after the ku or before it. However, if the descriptor is lo, the difference is quite important:

Example 12.54:

lo prenu ku noi blabi cu klama le zarci

(Some persons) incidentally-which are-white go to-the market.

Some people, who are white, go to the market.

Example 12.55:

lo prenu noi blabi [ku] cu klama le zarci

Some (persons incidentally-which are-white) go to-the market.

Some of the people, who by the way are white, go to the market.

Both Example 12.54 and Example 12.55 tell us that one or more persons are going to the market. However, they make very different incidental claims. Now, what does

lo prenu noi blabi mean? Well, the default inner quantifier is ro (meaning “all”), and the default outer quantifier is su'o (meaning “at least one”). Therefore, we must first take all persons, then choose at least one of them. That one or more people will be going.

In Example 12.54, the relative clause described the sumti once the outer quantifier was applied: one or more people, who are white, are going. But in Example 12.55, the relative clause actually describes the sumti before the outer quantification is applied, so that it ends up meaning “First take all persons – by the way, they're all white”. But not all people are white, so the incidental claim being made here is false.

The safe strategy, therefore, is to always use ku when attaching a noi relative clause to a lo descriptor. Otherwise we may end up claiming far too much.

When the descriptor is la, indicating that what follows is a selbri used for naming, then the positioning of relative clauses has a different significance. A relative clause inside the ku, whether before or after the selbri, is reckoned part of the name; a relative clause outside the ku is not. Therefore,

Example 12.56:

mi viska la nanmu poi terpa le ke'a xirma [ku]

I see that-named ( “man which fears the of-IT horse”).

I see Man Afraid Of His Horse.

says that the speaker sees a person with a particular name, who does not necessarily fear any horses, whereas

Example 12.57:

mi viska la nanmu ku poi terpa le ke'a xirma.

I see that-named( “Man”) which fears the of-IT horse.

I see the person named “Man” who is afraid of his horse.

refers to one (or more) of those named “Man”, namely the one(s) who are afraid of their horses.

Finally, so-called indefinite sumti like

re karce, which means almost the same as

re lo karce (which in turn means the same as

re lo ro karce), can have relative clauses attached; these are taken to be of the outside-the- ku variety. Here is an example:

Example 12.58:

mi ponse re karce [ku] poi xekri

I possess two cars which-are black.

The restrictive relative clause only affects the two cars being affected by the main bridi, not all cars that exist. It is ungrammatical to try to place a relative clause within an indefinite sumti (that is, before an explicitly expressed terminating ku.) Use an explicit lo instead.

Possessive sumti

In Example 12.15 through Example 12.17, the sumti

le mi karce appears, glossed as “my car”. Although it might not seem so, this sumti actually contains a relative phrase. When a sumti appears between a descriptor and its description selbri, it is actually a pe relative phrase. So

Example 12.59:

le mi karce cu xunre

My car is-red.

and

Example 12.60:

le pe mi karce cu xunre

The (associated-with me) car is-red.

mean exactly the same thing. Furthermore, since there are no special considerations of quantifiers here,

Example 12.61:

le karce pe mi cu xunre

The car associated-with me is-red.

means the same thing as well. A sumti like the one in Example 12.59 is called a “possessive sumti”. Of course, it does not really indicate possession in the sense of ownership, but like pe relative phrases, indicates only weak association; you can say

le mi karce even if you've only borrowed it for the night. (In English, “my car” usually means

le karce po mi, but we do not have the same sense of possession in “my seat on the bus”; Lojban simply makes the weaker sense the standard one.) The inner sumti,

mi in Example 12.59, is correspondingly called the “possessor sumti”.

Historically, possessive sumti existed before any other kind of relative phrase or clause, and were retained when the machinery of relative phrases and clauses as detailed in this chapter so far was slowly built up. When preposed relative clauses of the Example 12.60 type were devised, possessive sumti were most easily viewed as a special case of them.

Although any sumti, however complex, can appear in a full-fledged relative phrase, only simple sumti can appear as possessor sumti, without a pe. Roughly speaking, the legal possessor sumti are: pro-sumti, quotations, names and descriptions, and numbers. In addition, the possessor sumti may not be preceded by a quantifier, as such a form would be interpreted as the unusual “descriptor + quantifier + sumti” type of description. All these sumti forms are explained in full in Chapter 8.

Here is an example of a description used in a possessive sumti:

Example 12.62:

le le nanmu ku karce cu blanu

The (associated-with-the man) car is blue.

The man's car is blue.

Note the explicit ku at the end of the possessor sumti, which prevents the selbri of the possessor sumti from merging with the selbri of the main description sumti. Because of the need for this ku, the most common kind of possessor sumti are pro-sumti, especially personal pro-sumti, which require no elidable terminator. Descriptions are more likely to be attached with relative phrases.

And here is a number used as a possessor sumti:

Example 12.63:

le li mu jdice se bende

The of-the-number-five judging team-member

Juror number 5

which is not quite the same as “the fifth juror”; it simply indicates a weak association between the particular juror and the number 5.

A possessive sumti may also have regular relative clauses attached to it. This would need no comment if it were not for the following special rule: a relative clause immediately following the possessor sumti is understood to affect the possessor sumti, not the possessive. For example:

Example 12.64:

le mi noi sipna vau karce cu na klama

The of-me incidentally-which-(is-sleeping) car isn't going.

means that my car isn't going; the incidental claim of

noi sipna applies to me, not my car, however. If I wanted to say that the car is sleeping (whatever that might mean) I would need:

Example 12.65:

le mi karce poi sipna cu na klama

The of-me car which sleeps isn't going.

Note that Example 12.64 uses vau rather than ku'o at the end of the relative clause: this terminator ends every simple bridi and is almost always elidable; in this case, though, it is a syllable shorter than the equally valid alternative, ku'o.

Relative clauses and complex sumti: vu'o

The following cmavo is discussed in this section: <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning vu'o VUhO relative clause attacher </tab>

Normally, relative clauses attach only to simple sumti or parts of sumti: pro-sumti, names and descriptions, pure numbers, and quotations. An example of a relative clause attached to a pure number is:

Example 12.66:

li pai noi na'e frinu namcu

The-number pi, incidentally-which is-a-non- fraction number

The irrational number pi

And here is an incidental relative clause attached to a quotation:

Example 12.67:

lu mi klama le zarci li'u noi mi cusku ke'a cu jufra

[quote] I go to-the market [unquote] incidentally-which-(I express IT) is-a-sentence.

“I'm going to the market”, which I'd said, is a sentence.

which may serve to identify the author of the quotation or some other relevant, but subsidiary, fact about it. All such relative clauses appear only after the simple sumti, never before it.

In addition, sumti with attached sumti qualifiers of selma'o LAhE or NAhE+BO (which are explained in detail in Section 8.9) can have a relative clause appearing after the qualifier and before the qualified sumti, as in:

Example 12.68:

la'e poi tolcitno vau lu le xunre cmaxirma li'u cu zvati le vu kumfa

A-referent-of (which is-old) [quote] The Red Small-horse [unquote] is-at the [far distance] room.

An old “The Red Pony” is in the far room.

Example 12.68 is a bit complex, and may need some picking apart. The quotation

lu le xunre cmaxirma li'u means the string of words “The Red Pony”. If the

la'e at the beginning of the sentence were omitted, Example 12.68 would claim that a certain string of words is in a room distant from the speaker. But obviously a string of words can't be in a room! The effect of the la'e is to modify the sumti so that it refers not to the words themselves, but to the referent of those words, a novel by John Steinbeck (presumably in Lojban translation). The particular copy of “The Red Pony” is identified by the restrictive relative clause. Example 12.68 means exactly the same as:

Example 12.69:

la'e lu le xunre cmaxirma li'u lu'u poi to'ercitno cu zvati le vu kumfa

A-referent-of ([quote] The Red Small-horse [unquote]) which is-old is-at the [far distance] room.

and the two sentences can be considered stylistic variants. Note the required lu'u terminator, which prevents the relative clause from attaching to the quotation itself: we do not wish to refer to an old quotation!

Sometimes, however, it is important to make a relative clause apply to the whole of a more complex sumti, one which involves logical or non-logical connection (explained in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch). For example,

Example 12.70:

la frank. .e la djordj. noi nanmu cu klama le zdani

Frank and George incidentally-who is-a-man go to-the house.

Frank and George, who is a man, go to the house.

The incidental claim in Example 12.70 is not that Frank and George are men, but only that George is a man, because the incidental relative clause attaches only to

la djordj, the immediately preceding simple sumti.

To make a relative clause attach to both parts of the logically connected sumti in Example 12.70, a new cmavo is needed, vu'o (of selma'o VUhO). It is placed between the sumti and the relative clause, and extends the sphere of influence of that relative clause to the entire preceding sumti, including however many logical or non-logical connectives there may be.

Example 12.71:

la frank. .e la djordj. vu'o noi nanmu cu klama le zdani

Frank and George incidentally-who are-men go to-the house.

Frank and George, who are men, go to the house.

The presence of vu'o here means that the relative clause

noi nanmu extends to the entire logically connected sumti

la frank. .e la djordj.; in other words, both Frank and George are claimed to be men, as the colloquial translation shows.

English is able to resolve the distinction correctly in the case of Example 12.70 and Example 12.71 by making use of number: “who is” rather than “who are”. Lojban doesn't distinguish between singular and plural verbs: nanmu can mean “is a man” or “are men”, so another means is required. Furthermore, Lojban's mechanism works correctly in general: if nanmu (meaning “is-a-man”) were replaced with

pu bajra ( “ran”), English would have to make the distinction some other way:

Example 12.72:

la frank. .e la djordj. noi pu bajra cu klama le zdani

Frank and (George who [past] runs) go to-the house.

Frank and George, who ran, go to the house.

Example 12.73:

la frank. .e la djordj. vu'o noi pu bajra cu klama le zdani

(Frank and George) who [past] run go to-the house.

Frank and George, who ran, go to the house.

In spoken English, tone of voice would serve; in written English, one or both sentences would need rewriting.

Relative clauses in vocative phrases

Vocative phrases are explained in more detail in Section 8.10. Briefly, they are a method of indicating who a sentence or discourse is addressed to: of identifying the intended listener. They take three general forms, all beginning with cmavo from selma'o COI or DOI (called “vocative words”; there can be one or many), followed by either a name, a selbri, or a sumti. Here are three examples:

Example 12.74:

coi. frank.

Hello, Frank.

Example 12.75:

co'o xirma

Goodbye, horse.

Example 12.76:

fi'i la frank. .e la djordj.

Welcome, Frank and George!

Note that Example 12.75 says farewell to something which doesn't really have to be a horse, something that the speaker simply thinks of as being a horse, or even might be something (a person, for example) who is named “Horse”. In a sense, Example 12.75 is ambiguous between

co'o le xirma and

co'o la xirma, a relatively safe semantic ambiguity, since names are ambiguous in general: saying “George” doesn't distinguish between the possible Georges.

Similarly, Example 12.74 can be thought of as an abbreviation of:

Example 12.77:

coi la frank.

Hello, the-one-named “Frank”.

Syntactically, vocative phrases are a kind of free modifier, and can appear in many places in Lojban text, generally at the beginning or end of some complete construct; or, as in Example 12.74 to Example 12.76, as sentences by themselves.

As can be seen, the form of vocative phrases is similar to that of sumti, and as you might expect, vocative phrases allow relative clauses in various places. In vocative phrases which are simple names (after the vocative words), any relative clauses must come just after the names:

Example 12.78:

coi. frank. poi xunre se bende

Hello, Frank who is-a-red team-member

Hello, Frank from the Red Team!

The restrictive relative clause in Example 12.78 suggests that there is some other Frank (perhaps on the Green Team) from whom this Frank, the one the speaker is greeting, must be distinguished.

A vocative phrase containing a selbri can have relative clauses either before or after the selbri; both forms have the same meaning. Here are some examples:

Example 12.79:

co'o poi mi zvati ke'a ku'o xirma

Goodbye, such-that-(I am-at IT) horse

Goodbye, horse where I am!

Example 12.80:

co'o xirma poi mi zvati

Goodbye, horse such-that-(I am-at-it).Example 12.79 and Example 12.80 mean the same thing. In fact, relative clauses can appear in both places.

Relative clauses within relative clauses

For the most part, these are straightforward and uncomplicated: a sumti that is part of a relative clause bridi may itself be modified by a relative clause:

Example 12.81:

le prenu poi zvati le kumfa poi blanu cu masno

The person who is-in the room which is-blue is-slow.

However, an ambiguity can exist if ke'a is used in a relative clause within a relative clause: does it refer to the outermost sumti, or to the sumti within the outer relative clause to which the inner relative clause is attached? The latter. To refer to the former, use a subscript on ke'a:

Example 12.82:

le prenu poi zvati le kumfa poi ke'axire zbasu ke'a cu masno

The person who is-in the room which IT-sub-2 built IT is-slow.

The person who is in the room which he built is slow.

Here, the meaning of “IT-sub-2” is that sumti attached to the second relative clause, counting from the innermost, is used. Therefore,

ke'axipa (IT-sub-1) means the same as plain

ke'a.

Alternatively, you can use a prenex (explained in full in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch), which is syntactically a series of sumti followed by the special cmavo zo'u, prefixed to the relative clause bridi:

Example 12.83:

le prenu poi ke'a goi ko'a zo'u ko'a zvati le kumfa poi ke'a goi ko'e zo'u ko'a zbasu ke'a cu masno

The man who (IT = it1 : it1 is-in the room which (IT = it2 : it1 built it2) is-slow.Example 12.83 is more verbose than Example 12.82, but may be clearer, since it explicitly spells out the two ke'a cmavo, each on its own level, and assigns them to the assignable cmavo ko'a and ko'e (explained in Section 10.4).

Index of relative clause cmavo

Relative clause introducers (selma'o NOI): <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning Relative clause introducers (selma'o NOI):

noi incidental clauses poi restrictive clauses voi restrictive clauses (non-veridical) Relative phrase introducers (selma'o GOI):

goi pro-sumti assignment pe restrictive association ne incidental association po extrinsic (alienable) possession po'e intrinsic (inalienable) possession po'u restrictive identification no'u incidental identification Relativizing pro-sumti (selma'o KOhA):

ke'a pro-sumti for relativized sumti Relative clause joiner (selma'o ZIhE):

zi'e joins relative clauses applying to a single sumti Relative clause associator (selma'o VUhO):

vu'o causes relative clauses to apply to all of a complex sumti Elidable terminators (each its own selma'o):

ku'o relative clause elidable terminator ge'u relative phrase elidable terminator </tab>

Bridi relative clause

...pu'o se ciska

1. A broda B C. In order to inject A brode G J use A poi ke'a brode G J cu broda B C
2. A broda B C .i fabo brode G J. We can rephrase that as A broda B C soi G J brode.
3. A broda B C .i febo A brode. We can rephrase that as A poi brode lo nei cu broda B C.

soi.

converts the following bridi into nonce modal/sumti tag clause; the nesting bridi is automatically replicated in the first abstraction place of the clause

The first unfilled place of the clause containing abstraction (needs to be present in the selbri of the subordinate clause) is automatically applied to the whole nesting bridi if not explicitly defined otherwise with ke'a. See also fi'o

lo ractu cu citka lo cirla sepi'o lo denci be vo'a = (emulating guaspi) lo ractu cu citka lo cirla soi se tutci be lo denci be vo'a [se'u]

operating level:	sumti	bridi
non-restrictive:	noi	soi
restrictive:	poi	??? GIhEKs?

to ... toi is outside this grammar.

Context

sumti	selbri	PA	FA	sumtcita	LO	LE	UI
zo'e	co'e	xo'e	faxixo'e	do'e	lo	zo'e poi	ge'e
zu'i	me'au zu'i	no'o	faxino'o	na'o?	?	lo'e
zi'o	me'au zi'o	tu'o
zi'o noi	zi'o poi	ne'au
ma	mo	xo	fi'a	cu'e	ma noi	ma poi	pei

• Many natlangs have shortcuts for ma noi.
• zi'o poi allegedly means that the place isn't applicable for wat is described in the poi-clause.

Conversation

lo is a negotiation between both parties. le and TA are not.

The pertinent person(s) might or might not be wearing the red thing(s), so you acknowledge that and explicitly restrict your and your listener's attention there's the information the speaker has, the information the listener has, and the information that exists in the conversation poi takes the information that lives in the sumti to which it is attached and adds to it.

But does it make sense to use noi for adding precision? It does for the listener, and does not for the speaker.

Raising

Once the requisite number of Lojbanists did an undergraduate course in syntax (you may commence throwing darts at effigies of Nick Nicholas at your leisure), it was realized that there were a lot of verbs (brivla) whose place structures contained both a raised concrete noun (usually x1), and an abstraction noun which itself contained the first noun. For example, the place structure of fenki used to be

x1 is crazy in behavior x2 (abstraction) by standard x3

But any abstraction that would go into x2 would contain the x1 noun: any crazy behaviour would automatically be the behavior of the crazy person. For example, you'd get

• la .djang. cu fenki lonu la .djang. cu dasni lo zirpu
• la .djang. cu fenki lonu la .djang. cu dansu la jipci
• la .djang. cu fenki lonu la .djang. cu tavla bau la .lojban.

The question then became: does the x1 tell us anything the x2 wasn't already telling us? We know who was involved in the crazy behavior, because that person would be a noun inside x2. (More specifically, he or she would be the active party: someone hitting random strangers is crazy; someone being hit by random strangers isn't — although arguably someone allowing themselves to keep being hit by random strangers is.) Was there any reason, then, to grant the person an extra place in the overall bridi? The decision was, no: behavior is what is crazy, so you can work out that the person acting out the behavior is the crazy person. There's no need to have an extra place for the person, when you can already work out who they are. The same conclusion was arrived at for cinri: it is abstractions — events and qualities — that attract interest; and an interesting person is simply a person involved in an interesting abstraction.

All well and good; but natural languages do raising for a reason. So when Lojban has its gismu without raising, it gains in eliminating redundancy and logical muddledness; but it loses in ‘naturalness’. We like talking about people rather than abstractions in our languages; and Lojban should not go out of its way to form an exception to this.

There is a solution of sorts to this problem using tu'a; but it doesn't actually do what raising does in natural languages: it doesn't change the x1 place from an abstraction to a concrete noun. And there are times you will want to do just that.

Grammatical focus

Grammatical focus is used to draw attention of the listener and is always in the main level verb phrase (bridi).

The most usual method of shifting focus is by using fi'o.

mi djuno lo du'u do stati I know that you are smart.

is turned into

fi'o djuno mi do stati As I know, you are smart.

Sensory perception

Taken from two mailing list messages:

pamoi

remoi.

Sense words can either express experiencing the sensation or expressing an action being taken to acquire a sensation. In English, these are:

Active	Passive
look	see
listen	hear
touch	feel
sniff	smell
taste	taste

In Lojban, there are few dedicated gismu:

	Active	Passive
sight	catlu	viska
sound		tirna
touch	pencu
scent		sumne
taste
generic	zgana	ganse

There are two options of lujvo. Naming based on the sensory organ gives:

	Active	Passive
sight	kalzga	kalga'e
sound	kerzga	kerga'e
touch	pilzga	pilga'e
scent	zbizga	zbiga'e
taste	tacyzga	tacyga'e

Naming based on the thing being sensed gives:

	Active	Passive
sight	vinzga	vinga'e
sound	snazga	snaga'e
touch	te'uzga	te'urga'e
scent	panzga	panga'e
taste	vu'izga	vu'irga'e

la gleki's first (aggressive) proposal

is to replace the current set of sensory predicates with another one. The scheme is still not complete. Let's put all sensory aspects into one table. These are the predicates that we might get (I will give them temporary names in curly brackets).

HEAR - x1 hears object(e.g. musician)/event (e.g. concert) x2, listens to it and defines x2 as x3 (noisy, loud, sweet, lovely, romantic etc.)

SEE - x1 sees object/event x2, looks at x2 and defines it as x3 (green, that it looks ugly etc.)

SMELL - x1 smells object/event x2, observes x2 and defines it as x3 (e.g. flowery,pungent, musk)

TASTE - x1 tastes object/event x2, observes x2 and defines it as x3 (e.g. tasty, sweet,sour)

TOUCH - x1 touches x2, observes (tries) x2 and defines it as having texture x3 (e.g. rough). As you can see we actually need valsi with three places. "observe" is a variation of each predicate that can be best expressed using additional jundi or zgana. This scheme is consistent. The only problem is that it doesn't correspond to the current mess of sensory gismu.

The only gismu that corresponds to this scheme is te panci. Probably te jvinu as well (thanks xorxes for pointing out!) and te skari.

tirna3=viska3=skari4 is something that we can also place in every sensory gismu. However, they can be easily expressed using va'o.

gua\spi's vyi=X1 sees object X2 against background X3 looks like lojbanic tirna3.

sumne is a superfluous gismu.

vrusi overlaps the senses of taste and smell (against the policy of lojban one word=one meaning).

In gua\spi there are a bit better definitions, e.g. xel=X1 smells like prototype (xi) X2*.

la gleki's second (compromise) proposal

In order to reach maximum compatibility with the current gimste I can also suggest mergin x2 and x3 in my previous proposal getting

Alternate proposal

• tirna* - x1 hears object(e.g. musician/sound)/event x2 (e.g. mi tirna lo nu balzgibende cu cladu)
• viska* - x1 sees object/event x2 (mi viska lo du'u lo tricu cu crino)
• sumne* - x1 smells object/event x2 (mi sumne lo nu lo xrula cu cpina)
• smaka* - x1 tastes object/event x2 (mi me'oi TASTE lo nu lo plise cu titla)
• palpi* - x1 touches x2 (mi me'oi TOUCH-FEEL lo nu lo sefta cu rufsu)

I also suggest that x2 in all 5 sensory gismu can be both an object and an event, thus allowing sumti-raising so that we can say mi tirna lo balzgibende mi tirna lo cladu mi tirna lo nu balzgibende cu cladu

We have no gismu for TASTE ( vrusi has no place for experiencer) and TOUCH-FEEL (pencu is not what we need. when i touch ko'a with a screwdriver i touch-feel the screwdriver but touch ko'a ). We would also need to allow in sumne2 not only the object being smelled but the type of smell and abstraction for the combination of the object and it's smell.

la gleki's third proposal

(main 6 cases corresponding to 6 human senses are in bold. Note that vision is divided into vision of form and vision of color).

full form	raising co-referential expressions
viska lo tarmi be lo najnimre i ri se tarmi lo cukla	viska lo najnimre
viska lo gusni be fi ri	viska lo najnimre
viska lo se skari be lo najnimre i ri skari lo narju	viska lo najnimre
tirna lo sance be lo palta poi ca'o porpi i ri se sance lo cladu	tirna lo palta
smaka lo tasta be lo najnimre i ri se tasta lo kukte	smaka lo najnimre
sumne lo panci be lo najnimre i ri se panci lo xrula	sumne lo najnimre
te se panci fi ri	te se panci ri
palpi lo sefta be lo najnimre i ri se sefta lo xutla	palpi ri

The second column might be incorrectly thought of as of sumti-raising while in reality it is referential transparency (in linguistics or in programming (thanks tsani for making this terminology clear). In this table the second column contains raising. However, the meaning of najnimre is different in each column. In mi viska lo tarmi the word lo najnimre is a property of tarmi but in mi viska lo najnimre the word lo najnimre is a property of vision. You may call "an orange" any object in the form of an orange or colored like an orange. Perhaps you just meant "orange color" just like we do in English!

Resume

This is something that definitely needs revision. We have five senses and we must clearly express what we feel.

See also Tlön, Uqbar and la gleki's fishy apples

Attitudinal indicators

What are attitudinal indicators?

This chapter explains the various words that Lojban provides for expressing attitude and related notions. In natural languages, attitudes are usually expressed by the tone of voice when speaking, and (very imperfectly) by punctuation when writing. For example, the bare words John is coming. can be made, through tone of voice, to express the speaker's feeling of happiness, pity, hope, surprise, or disbelief. These fine points of tone cannot be expressed in writing. Attitudes are also expressed with various sounds which show up in print as oddly spelled words, such as the “Oooh!”, “Arrgh!”, “Ugh!”, and “Yecch!” in the title. These are part of the English language; people born to other languages use a different set; yet you won't find any of these words in a dictionary.

In Lojban, everything that can be spoken can also be written. Therefore, these tones of voice must be represented by explicit words known as “attitudinal indicators”, or just “attitudinals”. This rule seems awkward and clunky to English-speakers at first, but is an essential part of the Lojbanic way of doing things.

The simplest way to use attitudinal indicators is to place them at the beginning of a text. In that case, they express the speaker's prevailing attitude:

.ui la djan klama

[Whee!] John is coming!

.uu la djan klama

[Alas!] John is coming.

.a'o la djan klama

[Hopefully] John is coming.

.ue la djan klama

[Wow!] John is coming!

.ianai la djan klama

[Nonsense!] John is coming.

The primary Lojban attitudinals are all the cmavo of the form VV or V'V: one of the few cases where cmavo have been classified solely by their form. There are 39 of these cmavo: all 25 possible vowel pairs of the form V'V, the four standard diphthongs ( .ai, .au, .ei, and .oi), and the ten more diphthongs that are permitted only in these attitudinal indicators and in names and borrowings ( .ia, .ie, .ii, .io, .iu, .ua, .ue, .ui, .uo, and .uu). Note that each of these cmavo has a period before it, marking the pause that is mandatory before every word beginning with a vowel. Attitudinals, like most of the other kinds of indicators described in this chapter, belong to selma'o UI.

Attitudinals can also be compound cmavo, of the types explained in Sections 4-8; illustrates one such possibility, the compound attitudinal .ianai. In attitudinals, -nai indicates polar negation: the opposite of the simple attitudinal without the -nai. Thus, as you might suppose, .ia expresses belief, since .ianai expresses disbelief.

In addition to the attitudinals, there are other classes of indicators: intensity markers, emotion categories, attitudinal modifiers, observationals, and discursives. All of them are grammatically equivalent, which is why they are treated together in this chapter.

Every indicator behaves in more or less the same way with respect to the grammar of the rest of the language. In general, one or more indicators can be inserted at the beginning of an utterance or after any word. Indicators at the beginning apply to the whole utterance; otherwise, they apply to the word that they follow. More details can be found in Section .

Throughout this chapter, tables of indicators will be written in four columns. The first column is the cmavo itself. The second column is a corresponding English word, not necessarily a literal translation. The fourth column represents the opposite of the second column, and shows the approximate meaning of the attitudinal when suffixed with -nai. The third column, which is sometimes omitted, indicates a neutral point between the second and fourth columns, and shows the approximate meaning of the attitudinal when it is suffixed with -cu'i. The cmavo cu'i belongs to selma'o CAI, and is explained more fully in Section .

One flaw that the English glosses are particularly subject to is that in English it is often difficult to distinguish between expressing your feelings and talking about them, particularly with the limited resource of the written word. So the gloss for .ui should not really be “happiness” but some sound or tone that expresses happiness. However, there aren't nearly enough of those that have unambiguous or obvious meanings in English to go around for all the many, many different emotions Lojban speakers can readily express.

Many indicators of CV'V form are loosely derived from specific gismu. The gismu should be thought of as a memory hook, not an equivalent of the cmavo. Such gismu are shown in this chapter between square brackets, thus: [gismu].

Pure emotion indicators

Attitudinals make no claim: they are expressions of attitude, not of facts or alleged facts. As a result, attitudinals themselves have no truth value, nor do they directly affect the truth value of a bridi that they modify. However, since emotional attitudes are carried in your mind, they reflect reactions to that version of the world that the mind is thinking about; this is seldom identical with the real world. At times, we are thinking about our idealized version of the real world; at other times we are thinking about a potential world that might or might not ever exist.

Therefore, there are two groups of attitudinals in Lojban. The “pure emotion indicators” express the way the speaker is feeling, without direct reference to what else is said. These indicators comprise the attitudinals which begin with u or o and many of those beginning with i.

The cmavo beginning with u are simple emotions, which represent the speaker's reaction to the world as it is, or as it is perceived to be. <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning .ua discovery confusion .u'a gain loss .ue surprise no surprise expectation .u'e wonder commonplace .ui happiness unhappiness .u'i amusement weariness .uo completion incompleteness .u'o courage timidity cowardice .uu pity cruelty .u'u repentance lack of regret innocence </tab>

Here are some typical uses of the u attitudinals:

.ua mi facki fi le mi mapku

[Eureka!] I found my hat! [emphasizes the discovery of the hat]

.u'a mi facki fi le mi mapku

[Gain!] I found my hat! [emphasizes the obtaining of the hat]

.ui mi facki fi le mi mapku

[Yay!] I found my hat! [emphasizes the feeling of happiness]

.uo mi facki fi le mi mapku

[At last!] I found my hat! [emphasizes that the finding is complete]

.uu do cortu

[Pity!] You feel-pain. [expresses speaker's sympathy]

.u'u do cortu

[Repentance!] You feel-pain. [expresses that speaker feels guilty]

In , note that the attitudinal .uo is translated by an English non-attitudinal phrase: “At last!” It is common for the English equivalents of Lojban attitudinals to be short phrases of this sort, with more or less normal grammar, but actually expressions of emotion.

In particular, both .uu and .u'u can be translated into English as “I'm sorry”; the difference between these two attitudes frequently causes confusion among English-speakers who use this phrase, leading to responses like “Why are you sorry? It's not your fault!”

It is important to realize that .uu, and indeed all attitudinals, are meant to be used sincerely, not ironically. In English, the exclamation “Pity!” is just as likely to be ironically intended, but this usage does not extend to Lojban. Lying with attitudinals is (normally) as inappropriate to Lojban discourse as any other kind of lying: perhaps worse, because misunderstood emotions can cause even greater problems than misunderstood statements.

The following examples display the effects of nai and cu'i when suffixed to an attitudinal:

.ue la djan. klama

[Surprise!] John comes.

.uecu'i la djan. klama

[Ho hum.] John comes.

.uenai la djan. klama

[Expected!] John comes.

In , John's coming has been anticipated by the speaker. In and , no such anticipation has been made, but in the lack-of-anticipation goes no further – in , it amounts to actual surprise.

It is not possible to firmly distinguish the pure emotion words beginning with o or i from those beginning with u, but in general they represent more complex, more ambivalent, or more difficult emotions. <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning .o'a pride modesty shame .o'e closeness detachment distance .oi complaint/pain doing OK pleasure .o'i caution boldness rashness .o'o patience mere tolerance anger .o'u relaxation composure stress </tab>

Here are some examples:

.oi la djan. klama

[Complaint!] John is coming.

Here the speaker is distressed or discomfited over John's coming. The word .oi is derived from the Yiddish word “oy” of similar meaning. It is the only cmavo with a Yiddish origin.

.o'onai la djan. klama

[Anger!] John is coming!

Here the speaker feels anger over John's coming.

.o'i la djan. klama

[Beware!] John is coming.

Here there is a sense of danger in John's arrival.

.o'ecu'i la djan. klama

[Detachment!] John is coming.

.o'u la djan. klama

[Phew!] John is coming.

In and , John's arrival is no problem: in the former example, the speaker feels emotional distance from the situation; in the latter example, John's coming is actually a relief of some kind.

The pure emotion indicators beginning with i are those which could not be fitted into the u or o groups because there was a lack of room, so they are a mixed lot. .ia, i'a, .ie, and i'e do not appear here, as they belong in

Section instead. <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning .ii fear nervousness security .i'i togetherness privacy .io respect disrespect .i'o appreciation envy .iu love no love lost hatred .i'u familiarity mystery </tab>

Here are some examples:

.ii smacu

[Fear!] [Observative:] a-mouse

Eek! A mouse!

la djan. .iu klama

John [love!] is coming.

la djan. .ionai klama

John [disrespect!] is coming.

shows an attitude-colored observative; the attitudinal modifies the situation described by the observative, namely the mouse that is causing the emotion. Lojban-speaking toddlers, if there ever are any, will probably use sentences like

a lot.

and use attitudinals that follow la djan. rather than being at the beginning of the sentence. This form means that the attitude is attached to John rather than the event of his coming; the speaker loves or disrespects John specifically. Compare:

la djan. klama .iu

John is-coming [love!]

where it is specifically the coming of John that inspires the feeling.

is a compact way of swearing at John: you could translate it as “That good-for-nothing John is coming.”

Propositional attitude indicators

As mentioned at the beginning of Section , attitudinals may be divided into two groups, the pure emotion indicators explained in that section, and a contrasting group which may be called the “propositional attitude indicators”. These indicators establish an internal, hypothetical world which the speaker is reacting to, distinct from the world as it really is. Thus we may be expressing our attitude towards “what the world would be like if ...”, or more directly stating our attitude towards making the potential world a reality.

In general, the bridi paraphrases of pure emotions look (in English) something like “I'm going to the market, and I'm happy about it”. The emotion is present with the subject of the primary claim, but is logically independent of it. Propositional attitudes, though, look more like “I intend to go to the market”, where the main claim is logically subordinate to the intention: I am not claiming that I am actually going to the market, but merely that I intend to.

There is no sharp distinction between attitudinals beginning with a and those beginning with e; however, the original intent (not entirely realized due to the need to cram too many attitudes into too little space) was to make the members of the a-series the purer, more attitudinal realizers of a potential world, while the members of the e-series were more ambivalent or complex about the speaker's intention with regard to the predication. The relationship between the a-series and the e-series is similar to that between the u-series and the o-series, respectively. A few propositional attitude indicators overflowed into the i-series as well.

In fact, the entire distinction between pure emotions and propositional attitudes is itself a bit shaky: u'u can be seen as a propositional attitude indicator meaning “I regret that ...”, and a'e (discussed below) can be seen as a pure emotion meaning “I'm awake/aware”. The division of the attitudinals into pure-emotion and propositional-attitude classes in this chapter is mostly by way of explanation; it is not intended to permit firm rulings on specific points. Attitudinals are the part of Lojban most distant from the “logical language” aspect.

Here is the list of propositional attitude indicators grouped by initial letter, starting with those beginning with a: <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning .a'a attentive inattentive avoiding .a'e alertness exhaustion .ai intent indecision refusal .a'i effort no real effort repose .a'o hope despair .au desire indifference reluctance .a'u interest no interest repulsion </tab>

Some examples (of a parental kind):

.a'a do zgana le veltivni

[attentive] you observe the television-receiver.

I'm noticing that you are watching the TV.

.a'enai do ranji bacru

[exhaustion] you continuously utter.

I'm worn out by your continuous talking.

.ai mi benji do le ckana

[intent] I transfer you to-the bed.

I'm putting you to bed.

.a'i mi ba gasnu le nu do cikna binxo

[effort] I [future] am-the-actor-in the event-of you awake-ly become.

It'll be hard for me to wake you up.

.a'o mi kanryze'a ca le bavlamdei

[hope] I am-health-increased at-time the future-adjacent-day.

I hope I feel better tomorrow!

.au mi sipna

[desire] I sleep.

I want to sleep.

.a'ucu'i do pante

[no interest] you complain

I have no interest in your complaints.

(In a real-life situation, Examples 3.1-3.7 would also be decorated by various pure emotion indicators, certainly including .oicai, but probably also .iucai.)

Splitting off the attitude into an indicator allows the regular bridi grammar to do what it does best: express the relationships between concepts that are intended, desired, hoped for, or whatever. Rephrasing these examples to express the attitude as the main selbri would make for unacceptably heavyweight grammar.

Here are the propositional attitude indicators beginning with e, which stand roughly in the relation to those beginning with a as the pure-emotion indicators beginning with o do to those beginning with u- they are more complex or difficult: <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning .e'a permission prohibition .e'e competence incompetence .ei obligation freedom .e'i constraint independence resistance to constraint .e'o request negative request .e'u suggestion no suggestion warning </tab>

More examples (after a good night's sleep):

.e'a do sazri le karce

[permission] You drive the car.

Sure, you can drive the car.

.e'e mi lifri tu'a do

[competence] I experience something-related-to you

I feel up to dealing with you.

.ei mi tisygau le karce ctilyvau

[obligation] I fill the car-type-of petroleum-container.

I should fill the car's gas tank.

.e'o ko ko kurji

[request] You-imperative of-you-imperative take-care.

Please take care of yourself!

.e'u do klama le panka

[suggestion] You go to-the park.

I suggest going to the park.

Finally, the propositional attitude indicators beginning with i, which are the overflow from the other sets: <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning .ia belief skepticism disbelief .i'a acceptance blame .ie agreement disagreement .i'e approval non-approval disapproval </tab>

Still more examples (much, much later):

.ianai do pu pensi le nu tcica mi

[disbelief] You [past] think the event-of deceiving me.

I can't believe you thought you could fool me.

do .i'anai na xruti do le zdani

You [blame] did-not return you to-the house

I blame you for not coming home.

.ie mi na cusku lu'e le tcika be le nu xruti

[agreement] I did-not express a-symbol-for the time-of-day of the event-of (you return)

It's true I didn't tell you when to come back.

.i'enai do .i'e zukte

[disapproval] you [approval] act

I don't approve of what you did, but I approve of you.

illustrates the use of a propositional attitude indicator, i'e, in both the usual sense (at the beginning of the bridi) and as a pure emotion (attached to do). The event expressed by the main bridi is disapproved of by the speaker, but the referent of the sumti in the x1 place (namely the listener) is approved of.

To indicate that an attitudinal discussed in this section is not meant to indicate a propositional attitude, the simplest expedient is to split the attitudinal off into a separate sentence. Thus, a version of which actually claimed that the listener was or would be driving the car might be:

do sazri le karce .i .e'a

You drive the car. [Permission].

You're driving (or will drive) the car, and that's fine.

Attitudes as scales

In Lojban, all emotions and attitudes are scales. These scales run from some extreme value (which we'll call “positive”) to an opposite extreme (which we'll call “negative”). In the tables above, we have seen three points on the scale: “positive”, neutral, and “negative”. The terms “positive” and “negative” are put into quotation marks because they are loaded words when applied to emotions, and the attitudinal system reflects this loading, which is a known cultural bias. Only two of the “positive” words, namely .ii (fear) and .oi (pain/complaint), represent emotions commonly thought of as less “virtuous” in most cases than their negative counterparts. But these two were felt to be instinctive, distinct, and very powerful emotions that needed to be expressible in a monosyllable when necessary, while their counterparts are less commonly expressed.

(Why the overt bias? Because there are a lot of attitudinals and they will be difficult to learn as an entire set. By aligning our scales arbitrarily, we give the monosyllable nai a useful meaning and make it easier for a novice to recognize at least the positive or negative alignment of an indicator, if not the specific word. Other choices considered were “random” orientation, which would have unknown biases and be difficult to learn, and orientation based on our guesses as to which scale orientations made the most frequent usages shorter, which would be biased in favor of American perceptions of “usefulness”. If bias must exist in our indicator set, it might as well be a known bias that eases learning, and in addition might as well favor a harmonious and positive world-view.)

In fact, though, each emotional scale has seven positions defined, three “positive” ones (shown below on the left), three “negative” ones (shown below on the right), and a neutral one indicating that no particular attitude on this scale is felt. The following chart indicates the seven positions of the scale and the associated cmavo. All of these cmavo, except nai, are in selma'o CAI.

<tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning cai sai ru'e cu'i nairu'e naisai naicai [carmi] [tsali] [ruble] [cumki] </tab>

A scalar attitude is expressed by using the attitudinal word, and then following it by the desired scalar intensity. The bias creeps in because the “negative” emotions take the extra syllable nai to indicate their negative position on the axis, and thus require a bit more effort to express.

Much of this system is optional. You can express an attitude without a scale indicator, if you don't want to stop and think about how strongly you feel. Indeed, for most attitudinals, we've found that either no scalar value is used, or cai is used to indicate especially high intensity. Less often, ru'e is used for a recognizably weak intensity, and cu'i is used in response to the attitudinal question pei (See Section ) to indicate that the emotion is not felt.

The following shows the variations resulting from intensity variation:

.ei

I ought to (a non-specific obligation)

.eicai

I shall/must (an intense obligation or requirement, possibly a formal one)

.eisai

I should (a strong obligation or necessity, possibly an implied but not formal requirement)

.eiru'e

I might (a weak obligation – in English often mixed with permission and desire)

.eicu'i

No matter (no particular obligation)

.einai

I need not (a non-obligation)

You can also utter a scale indicator without a specific emotion. This is often used in the language: in order to emphasize a point about which you feel strongly, you mark what you are saying with the scale indicator cai. You could also indicate that you don't care using cu'i by itself.

The space of emotions

Each of the attitude scales constitutes an axis in a multi-dimensional space. In effect, given our total so far of 39 scales, we have a 39-dimensional space. At any given time, our emotions and attitudes are represented by a point in this 39-dimensional space, with the intensity indicators serving as coordinates along each dimension. A complete attitudinal inventory, should one decide to express it, would consist of reading off each of the scale values for each of the emotions, with the vector sum serving as a distinct single point, which is our attitude.

Now no one is going to ever utter a string of 100-odd attitudinals to express their emotions. If asked, we normally do not recognize more than one or two emotions at a time – usually the ones that are strongest or which most recently changed in some significant way. But the scale system provides some useful insights into a possible theory of emotion (which might be testable using Lojban), and incidentally explains how Lojbanists express compound emotions when they do recognize them.

The existence of 39 scales highlights the complexity of emotion. We also aren't bound to the 39. There are modifiers described in Section that multiply the set of scales by an order of magnitude. You can also have mixed feelings on a scale, which might be expressed by cu'i, but could also be expressed by using both the “positive” and “negative” scale emotions at once. One expression of “fortitude” might be .ii.iinai- fear coupled with security.

Uttering one or more attitudinals to express an emotion reflects several things. We will tend to utter emotions in their immediate order of importance to us. We feel several emotions at once, and our expression reflects these emotions simultaneously, although their order of importance to us is also revealing – of our attitude towards our attitude, so to speak. There is little analysis necessary; for those emotions you feel, you express them; the “vector sum” naturally expresses the result. This is vital to their nature as attitudinals – if you had to stop and think about them, or to worry about grammar, they wouldn't be emotions but rationalizations.

People have proposed that attitudinals be expressed as bridi just like everything else; but emotions aren't logical or analytical – saying “I'm awed” is not the same as saying “Wow!!!”. The Lojban system is intended to give the effects of an analytical system without the thought involved. Thus, you can simply feel in Lojban.

A nice feature of this design is that you can be simple or complex, and the system works the same way. The most immediate benefit is in learning. You only need to learn a couple of the scale words and a couple of attitude words, and you're ready to express your emotions Lojbanically. As you learn more, you can express your emotions more thoroughly and more precisely, but even a limited vocabulary offers a broad range of expression.

Emotional categories

The Lojban attitudinal system was designed by starting with a long list of English emotion words, far too many to fit into the 39 available VV-form cmavo. To keep the number of cmavo limited, the emotion words in the list were grouped together by common features: each group was then assigned a separate cmavo. This was like making tanru in reverse, and the result is a collection of indicators that can be combined, like tanru, to express very complex emotions. Some examples in a moment.

The most significant “common feature” we identified was that the emotional words on the list could easily be broken down into six major groups, each of which was assigned its own cmavo: <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning ro'a social asocial antisocial ro'e mental mindless ro'i emotional denying emotion ro'o physical denying physical ro'u sexual sexual abstinence re'e spiritual secular sacrilegious </tab>

Using these, we were able to assign o'u to mark a scale of what we might call “generalized comfort”. When you are comfortable, relaxed, satisfied, you express comfort with o'u, possibly followed by a scale indicator to indicate how comfortable you are. The six cmavo given above allow you to turn this scale into six separate ones, should you wish.

For example, embarrassment is a social discomfort, expressible as .o'unairo'a. Some emotions that we label “stress” in English are expressed in Lojban with .o'unairo'i. Physical distress can be expressed with .o'unairo'o, which makes a nice groan if you say it with feeling. Mental discomfort might be what you feel when you don't know the answer to the test question, but feel that you should. Most adults can recall some instance where we felt sexual discomfort, o'unairo'u. Spiritual discomfort, o'unaire'e, might be felt by a church-goer who has wandered into the wrong kind of religious building.

Most of the time when expressing an emotion, you won't categorize it with these words. Emotional expressions should be quickly expressible without having to think about them. However, we sometimes have mixed emotions within this set, as for example emotional discomfort coupled with physical comfort or vice versa.

Coupling these six words with our 39 attitude scales, each of which has a positive and negative side, already gives you far more emotional expression words than we have emotional labels in English. Thus, you'll never see a Lojban-English emotional dictionary that covers all the Lojban possibilities. Some may be useless, but others convey emotions that probably never had a word for them before, though many have felt them ( .eiro'u, for example – look it up).

You can use scale markers and nai on these six category words, and you can also use category words without specifying the emotion. Thus, “I'm trying to concentrate” could be expressed simply as ro'e, and if you are feeling anti-social in some non-specific way, ro'anai will express it.

There is a mnemonic device for the six emotion categories, based on moving your arms about. In the following table, your hands begin above your head and move down your body in sequence. <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning ro'a hands above head social ro'e hands on head intellectual ro'i hands on heart emotional ro'o hands on belly physical ro'u hands on groin sexual re'e hands moving around spiritual </tab>

The implicit metaphors “heart” for emotional and “belly” for physical are not really Lojbanic, but they work fine for English-speakers.

Attitudinal modifiers

The following cmavo are discussed in this section: <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning ga'i [galtu] hauteur equal rank meekness rank lack of rank le'o aggressive passive defensive vu'e [vrude] virtue (zabna) sin (mabla) se'i [sevzi] self-orientation other-orientation ri'e [zifre] release restraint control fu'i [frili] with help without help with opposition easily with difficulty be'u lack/need presence satiation need satisfaction se'a [sevzi] self-sufficiency dependency </tab>

It turned out that, once we had devised the six emotion categories, we also recognized some other commonalities among emotions. These tended to fit nicely on scales of their own, but generally tend not to be thought of as separate emotions. Some of these are self-explanatory, some need to be placed in context. Some of these tend to go well with only a few of the attitudinals, others go with nearly all of them. To really understand these modifiers, try to use them in combination with one or two of the attitudinals found in Section and Section , and see what emotional pictures you can build:

The cmavo ga'i expresses the scale used to indicate condescension or polite deference; it is not respect in general, which is .io. Whatever it is attached to is marked as being below (for ga'i) or above (for ga'inai) the speaker's rank or social position. Note that it is always the referent, not the speaker or listener, who is so marked: in order to mark the listener, the listener must appear in the sentence, as with doi ga'inai, which can be appended to a statement addressed to a social superior.

ko ga'inai nenri klama le mi zdani

You-imperative [low-rank!] enter-type-of come-to my house.

I would be honored if you would enter my residence.

Note that imperatives in Lojban need not be imperious! Corresponding examples with ga'icu'i and ga'inai:

ko ga'icu'i nenri klama le mi zdani

You-imperative [equal-rank!] enter-type-of come-to my house.

Come on in to my place.

ko ga'i nenri klama le mi zdani

You-imperative [high-rank!] enter-type-of come-to my house.

You! Get inside!

Since ga'i expresses the relative rank of the speaker and the referent, it does not make much sense to attach it to mi, unless the speaker is using mi to refer to a group (as in English “we”), or a past or future version of himself with a different rank.

It is also possible to attach ga'i to a whole bridi, in which case it expresses the speaker's superiority to the event the bridi refers to:

ga'i le xarju pu citka

[High-rank!] the pig [past] eats

The pig ate (which is an event beneath my notice).

When used without being attached to any bridi, ga'i expresses the speaker's superiority to things in general, which may represent an absolute social rank: ga'icai is an appropriate opening word for an emperor's address from the throne.

The cmavo le'o represents the scale of aggressiveness. We seldom overtly recognize that we are feeling aggressive or defensive, but perhaps in counseling sessions, a psychologist might encourage someone to express these feelings on this scale. And football teams could be urged on by their coach using ro'ole'o. le'o is also useful in threats as an alternative to o'onai, which expresses anger.

The cmavo vu'e represents ethical virtue or its absence. An excess of almost any emotion is usually somewhat “sinful” in the eyes of most ethical systems. On the other hand, we often feel virtuous about our feelings – what we call righteous indignation might be o'onaivu'e. Note that this is distinct from lack of guilt: .u'unai.

The cmavo se'i expresses the difference between selfishness and generosity, for example (in combination with .au):

.ause'i

[desire] [self]

I want it!

.ause'inai

[desire] [other]

I want you to have it!

In both cases, the English “it” is vague, reflecting the absence of a bridi. and are pure expressions of attitude. Analogously, .uuse'i is self-pity, whereas .uuse'inai is pity for someone else.

The modifier ri'e indicates emotional release versus emotional control. “I will not let him know how angry I am”, you say to yourself before entering the room. The Lojban is much shorter:

.o'onai ri'enai

[anger] [control]

On the other hand, ri'e can be used by itself to signal an emotional outburst.

The cmavo fu'i may express a reason for feeling the way we do, as opposed to a feeling in itself; but it is a reason that is more emotionally determined than most. For example, it could show the difference between the mental discomfort mentioned in

Section when it is felt on an easy test, as opposed to on a hard test. When someone gives you a back massage, you could use .o'ufu'i to show appreciation for the assistance in your comfort.

The cmavo be'u expresses, roughly speaking, whether the emotion it modifies is in response to something you don't have enough of, something you have enough of, or something you have too much of. It is more or less the attitudinal equivalent of the subjective quantifier cmavo mo'a, rau, and du'e (these belong to selma'o PA, and are discussed in

Section ). For example,

.uiro'obe'unai

[Yay!] [physical] [Enough!]

might be something you say after a large meal which you enjoyed.

Like all modifiers, be'u can be used alone:

le cukta be'u cu zvati ma

The book [Needed!] is at-location [what sumti?]

Where's the book? – I need it!

Lastly, the modifier se'a shows whether the feeling is associated with self-sufficiency or with dependence on others.

.e'ese'a

[I can!] [self-sufficient!]

I can do it all by myself!

is something a Lojban-speaking child might say. On the other hand,

.e'ese'anai

[I can!] [dependent]

I can do it if you help me.

from the same child would indicate a (hopefully temporary) loss of self-confidence. It is also possible to negate the e'e in

and , leading to:

.e'enaise'a

[I can't!] [self-sufficient]

I can't do it if you insist on “helping” me!

and

.e'enaise'anai

[I can't!] [dependent]

I can't do it by myself!

Some of the emotional expressions may seem too complicated to use. They might be for most circumstances. It is likely that most combinations will never get used. But if one person uses one of these expressions, another person can understand (as unambiguously as the expresser intends) what emotion is being expressed. Most probably as the system becomes well-known and internalized by Lojban-speakers, particular attitudinal combinations will come to be standard expressions (if not cliches) of emotion.

Compound indicators

The grammar of indicators is quite simple; almost all facets are optional. You can combine indicators in any order, and they are still grammatical. The presumed denotation is additive; thus the whole is the sum of the parts regardless of the order expressed, although the first expressed is presumed most important to the speaker. Every possible string of UI cmavo has some meaning.

Within a string of indicators, there will be conventions of interpretation which amount to a kind of second-order grammar. Each of the modifier words is presumed to modify an indicator to the left, if there is one. (There is an “unspecified emotion” word, ge'e, reserved to ensure that if you want to express a modifier without a root emotion, it doesn't attach to and modify a previous but distinct emotional expression.)

For example, .ieru'e expresses a weak positive value on the scale of agreement: the speaker agrees (presumably with the listener or with something else just stated), but with the least possible degree of intensity. But .ie ge'eru'e expresses agreement (at an unspecified level), followed by some other unstated emotion which is felt at a weak level. A rough English equivalent of .ie ge'eru'e might be “I agree, but ...” where the “but” is left hanging. (Again, attitudes aren't always expressed in English by English attitudinals.)

A scale variable similarly modifies the previous emotion word. You put the scale word for a root emotion word before a modifier, since the latter can have its own scale word. This merely maximizes the amount of information expressible. For example, .oinaicu'i ro'ucai expresses a feeling midway between pain ( .oi) and pleasure ( .oinai) which is intensely sexual ( ro'u) in nature.

The cmavo nai is the most tightly bound modifier in the language: it always negates exactly one word – the preceding one. Of all the words used in indicator constructs, nai is the only one with any meaning outside the indicator system. If you try to put an indicator between a non-indicator cmavo and its nai negator, the nai will end up negating the last word of the indicator. The result, though unambiguous, is not what you want. For example,

mi .e .ui nai do

I and [Yay!] [Not!] you

means “I and (unfortunately) you”, whereas

mi .e nai .ui do

I and [Not!] [Yay!] you

means “I but (fortunately) not you”. Attitudinal nai expresses a “scalar negation”, a concept explained in Section ; since every attitudinal word implies exactly one scale, the effect of nai on each should be obvious.

Thus, the complete internal grammar of UI is as follows, with each listed part optionally present or absent without affecting grammaticality, though it obviously would affect meaning. attitudinal nai intensity-word nai modifier nai intensity-word nai (possibly repeated) ge'e, the non-specific emotion word, functions as an attitudinal. If multiple attitudes are being expressed at once, then in the 2nd or greater position, either ge'e or a VV word must be used to prevent any modifiers from modifying the previous attitudinal.

The uses of indicators

The behavior of indicators in the “outside grammar” is nearly as simple as their internal structure. Indicator groupings are identified immediately after the metalinguistic erasers si, sa, and su and some, though not all, kinds of quotations. The details of such interactions are discussed in Section .

A group of indicators may appear anywhere that a single indicator may, except in those few situations (as in zo quotation, explained in Section ) where compound cmavo may not be used.

At the beginning of a text, indicators modify everything following them indefinitely: such a usage is taken as a raw emotional expression, and we normally don't turn off our emotions when we start and stop sentences. In every other place in an utterance, the indicator (or group) attaches to the word immediately to its left, and indicates that the attitude is being expressed concerning the object or concept to which the word refers.

If the word that an indicator (or group) attaches to is itself a cmavo which governs a grammatical structure, then the indicator construct pertains to the referent of the entire structure. There is also a mechanism, discussed in Section , for explicitly marking the range of words to which an indicator applies.

More details about the uses of indicators, and the way they interact with other specialized cmavo, are given in Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch. It is worth mentioning that real-world interpretation is not necessarily consistent with the formal scope rules. People generally express emotions when they feel them, with only a minimum of grammatical constraint on that expression; complexities of emotional expression are seldom logically analyzable. Lojban attempts to provide a systematic reference that could possibly be ingrained to an instinctive level. However, it should always be assumed that the referent of an indicator has some uncertainty.

For example, in cases of multiple indicators expressed together, the combined form has some ambiguity of interpretation. It is possible to interpret the second indicator as expressing an attitude about the first, or to interpret both as expressing attitudes about the common referent. For example, in

mi pu tavla do .o'onai .oi

I [past] talk-to you [Grrr!] [Oy!]

can be interpreted as expressing complaint about the anger, in which case it means “Damn, I snapped at you”; or as expressing both anger and complaint about the listener, in which case it means “I told you, you pest!”

Similarly, an indicator after the final brivla of a tanru may be taken to express an attitude about the particular brivla placed there – as the rules have it – or about the entire bridi which hinges on that brivla. Remembering that indicators are supposedly direct expressions of emotion, this ambiguity is acceptable.

Even if the scope rules given for indicators turn out to be impractical or unintuitive for use in conversation, they are still useful in written expression. There, where you can go back and put in markers or move words around, the scope rules can be used in lieu of elaborate nuances of body language and intonation to convey the writer's intent.

Attitude questions; empathy; attitude contours

The following cmavo are discussed in this section: <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning pei attitude question dai empathy bu'o start emotion continue emotion end emotion </tab>

You can ask someone how they are feeling with a normal bridi sentence, but you will get a normal bridi answer in response, one which may be true or false. Since the response to a question about emotions is no more logical than the emotion itself, this isn't appropriate.

The word pei is therefore reserved for attitude questions. Asked by itself, it captures all of the denotation of English “How are you?” coupled with “How do you feel?” (which has a slightly different range of usage).

When asked in the context of discourse, pei acts like other Lojban question words – it requests the respondent to “fill in the blank”, in this case with an appropriate attitudinal describing the respondent's feeling about the referent expression. As with other questions, plausibility is polite; if you answer with an irrelevant UI cmavo, such as a discursive, you are probably making fun of the questioner. (A ge'e, however, is always in order – you are not required to answer emotionally. This is not the same as .i'inai, which is privacy as the reverse of conviviality.)

Most often, however, the asker will use pei as a place holder for an intensity marker. (As a result, pei is placed in selma'o CAI, although selma'o UI would have been almost as appropriate. Grammatically, there is no difference between UI and CAI.) Such usage corresponds to a whole range of idiomatic usages in natural languages:

.iepei

[agreement] [question]

Do you agree?

.iare'epei

[belief] [spiritual] [question]

Are you a Believer?

.aipei

[intention] [question]

Are you going to do it?

might appear at the end of a command, to which the response

.aicai

[intention] [maximal]

corresponds to “Aye! Aye!” (hence the choice of cmavo).

.e'apei

[permission] [question]

Please, Mommy! Can I??

Additionally, when pei is used at the beginning of an indicator construct, it asks specifically if that construct reflects the attitude of the respondent, as in (asked of someone who has been ill or in pain):

pei.o'u

[question] [comfort]

Are you comfortable?

pei.o'ucu'i

[question] [comfort] [neutral]

Are you no longer in pain?

pei.o'usai

[question] [comfort] [strong]

Are you again healthy?

Empathy, which is not really an emotion, is expressed by the indicator dai. (Don't confuse empathy with sympathy, which is .uuse'inai.) Sometimes, as when telling a story, you want to attribute emotion to someone else. You can of course make a bridi claim that so-and-so felt such-and-such an emotion, but you can also make use of the attitudinal system by adding the indicator dai, which attributes the preceding attitudinal to someone else – exactly whom, must be determined from context. You can also use dai conversationally when you empathize, or feel someone else's emotion as if it were your own:

.oiro'odai

[Pain!] [physical] [empathy]

Ouch, that must have hurt!

It is even possible to “empathize” with a non-living object:

le bloti .iidai .uu pu klama le xasloi

The ship [fear!] [empathy] [pity!] [past] goes-to the ocean-floor.

Fearfully the ship, poor thing, sank.

suggesting that the ship felt fear at its impending destruction, and simultaneously reporting the speaker's pity for it.

Both pei and dai represent exceptions to the normal rule that attitudinals reflect the speaker's attitude.

Finally, we often want to report how our attitudes are changing. If our attitude has not changed, we can just repeat the attitudinal. (Therefore, .ui .ui .ui is not the same as .uicai, but simply means that we are continuing to be happy.) If we want to report that we are beginning to feel, continuing to feel, or ceasing to feel an emotion, we can use the attitudinal contour cmavo bu'o.

When attached to an attitudinal, bu'o means that you are starting to have that attitude, bu'ocu'i that you are continuing to have it, and bu'onai that you are ceasing to have it. Some examples:

.o'onai bu'o

[Anger!] [start emotion]

I'm getting angry!

.iu bu'onai .uinai

[Love!] [end emotion] [unhappiness!]

I don't love you any more; I'm sad.

Note the difference in effect between and:

mi ca ba'o prami do ja'e le nu mi badri

I [present] [cessitive] love you with-result the event-of (I am-sad).

I no longer love you; therefore, I am sad.

which is a straightforward bridi claim. states that you have (or have had) certain emotions; expresses those emotions directly.

Evidentials

The following cmavo are discussed in this section: <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning ja'o [jalge] I conclude ca'e I define ba'a [balvi] I expect I experience I remember su'a [sucta] I generalize I particularize ti'e [tirna] I hear (hearsay) ka'u [kulnu] I know by cultural means se'o [senva] I know by internal experience za'a [zgana] I observe pe'i [pensi] I opine ru'a [sruma] I postulate ju'a [jufra] I state </tab>

Now we proceed from the attitudinal indicators and their relatives to the other, semantically unrelated, categories of indicators. The indicators known as “evidentials” show how the speaker came to say the utterance; i.e. the source of the information or the idea. Lojban's list of evidentials was derived from lists describing several American Indian languages. Evidentials are also essential to the constructed language Láadan, designed by the linguist and novelist Suzette Haden Elgin. Láadan's set of indicators was drawn on extensively in developing the Lojban indicator system.

It is important to realize, however, that evidentials are not some odd system used by some strange people who live at the other end of nowhere: although their English equivalents aren't single words, English-speakers have vivid notions of what constitutes evidence, and of the different kinds of evidence.

Like the attitudinal indicators, the evidentials belong to selma'o UI, and may be treated identically for grammatical purposes. Most of them are not usually considered scalar in nature, but a few have associated scales.

A bridi with an evidential in it becomes “indisputable”, in the sense that the speaker is saying “how it is with him or her”, which is beyond argument. Claims about one's own mental states may be true or false, but are hardly subject to other people's examination. If you say that you think, or perceive, or postulate such-and-such a predication, who can contradict you? Discourse that uses evidentials has therefore a different rhetorical flavor than discourse that does not; arguments tend to become what can be called dialogues or alternating monologues, depending on your prejudices.

Evidentials are most often placed at the beginning of sentences, and are often attached to the i that separates sentences in connected discourse. It is in the nature of an evidential to affect the entire bridi in which it is placed: like the propositional attitude indicators, they strongly affect the claim made by the main bridi.

A bridi marked by ja'o is a conclusion by the speaker based on other (stated or unstated) information or ideas. Rough English equivalents of ja'o are “thus” and “therefore”.

A bridi marked by ca'e is true because the speaker says so. In addition to definitions of words, ca'e is also appropriate in what are called performatives, where the very act of speaking the words makes them true. An English example is “I now pronounce you husband and wife”, where the very act of uttering the words makes the listeners into husband and wife. A Lojban translation might be:

ca'e le re do cu simxu speni

[I define!] The two of-you are-mutual spouses.

The three scale positions of ba'a, when attached to a bridi, indicate that it is based on the speaker's view of the real world. Thus ba'a means that the statement represents a future event as anticipated by the speaker; ba'acu'i, a present event as experienced by the speaker; ba'anai, a past event as remembered by the speaker. It is accidental that this scale runs from future to past instead of past to future.

ba'acu'i le tuple be mi cu se cortu

[I experience!] The leg of me is-the-locus-of-pain.

My leg hurts.

A bridi marked by su'a is a generalization by the speaker based on other (stated or unstated) information or ideas. The difference between su'a and ja'o is that ja'o suggests some sort of reasoning or deduction (not necessarily rigorous), whereas su'a suggests some sort of induction or pattern recognition from existing examples (not necessarily rigorous).

The opposite point of the scale, su'anai, indicates abduction, or drawing specific conclusions from general premises or patterns.

This cmavo can also function as a discursive (See Section ), in which case su'a means “abstractly” or “in general”, and su'anai means “concretely” or “in particular”.

A bridi marked by ti'e is relayed information from some source other than the speaker. There is no necessary implication that the information was relayed via the speaker's ears; what we read in a newspaper is an equally good example of ti'e, unless we have personal knowledge of the content.

ti'e la .uengas cu zergau

[I hear!] Wenga is-a-criminal-doer.

I hear that Wenga is a crook.

A bridi marked by ka'u is one held to be true in the speaker's cultural context, as a matter of myth or custom, for example. Such statements should be agreed on by a community of people – you cannot just make up your own cultural context – although “objectivity” in the sense of actual correspondence with the facts is certainly not required.

On the other hand, se'o marks a bridi whose truth is asserted by the speaker as a result of an internal experience not directly available to others, such as a dream, vision, or personal revelation. In some cultures, the line between ka'u and se'o is fuzzy or even nonexistent.

A bridi marked by za'a is based on perception or direct observation by the speaker. This use of “observe” is not connected with the Lojban “observative”, or bridi with the first sumti omitted. The latter has no explicit aspect, and could be a direct observation, a conclusion, an opinion, or other aspectual point of view.

za'a do tatpi

[I observe!] You are-tired.

I see you are tired.

A bridi marked by pe'i is the opinion of the speaker. The form pe'ipei is common, meaning “Is this your opinion?”. (Strictly, this should be peipe'i, in accordance with the distinction explained in Examples 10.6-10.8, but since pe'i is not really a scale, there is no real difference between the two orders.)

pe'i la kartagos. .ei se daspo

[I opine!] Carthage [obligation] is-destroyed.

In my opinion, Carthage should be destroyed.

A bridi marked by ru'a is an assumption made by the speaker. This is similar to one possible use of e'u.

ru'a doi livinston.

Dr. Livingstone, I presume?

(A rhetorical question: Stanley knew who he was.)

Finally, the evidential ju'a is used to avoid stating a specific basis for a statement. It can also be used when the basis for the speaker's statement is not covered by any other evidential. For the most part, using ju'a is equivalent to using no evidential at all, but in question form it can be useful: ju'apei means “What is the basis for your statement?” and serves as an evidential, as distinct from emotional, question.

Discursives

The term “discursive” is used for those members of selma'o UI that provide structure to the discourse, and which show how a given word or utterance relates to the whole discourse. To express these concepts in regular bridi would involve extra layers of nesting: rather than asserting that “I also came”, we would have to say “I came; furthermore, the event of my coming is an additional instance of the relationship expressed by the previous sentence”, which is intolerably clumsy. Typical English equivalents of discursives are words or phrases like “however”, “summarizing”, “in conclusion”, and “for example”.

Discursives are not attitudinals: they express no particular emotion. Rather, they are abbreviations for metalinguistic claims that reference the sentence or text they are found in.

Discursives are most often used at the beginning of sentences, often attached to the i that separates sentences in running discourse, but can (like all other indicators) be attached to single words when it seems necessary or useful.

The discursives discussed in this section are given in groups, roughly organized by function. First, the “consecutive discourse” group: <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning ku'i [karbi] however/but/in contrast ji'a [jmina] additionally si'a [simsa] similarly mi'u [mintu] ditto po'o the only relevant case </tab>

These five discursives are mutually exclusive, and therefore they are not usually considered as scales. The first four are used in consecutive discourse. The first, ku'i, makes an exception to the previous argument. The second, ji'a, adds weight to the previous argument. The third, si'a, adds quantity to the previous argument, enumerating an additional example. The fourth, mi'u, adds a parallel case to the previous argument, and can also be used in tables or the like to show that something is being repeated from the previous column. It is distinct from go'i (of selma'o GOhA, discussed in Section 10.5), which is a non-discursive version of “ditto” that explicitly repeats the claim of the previous bridi.

Lastly, po'o is used when there is no other comparable case, and thus corresponds to some of the uses of “only”, a word difficult to express in pure bridi form:

mi po'o darxi le mi tamne fo le nazbi

I [only] hit my cousin at-locus the nose.

Only I (nobody else) hit my cousin on his nose.

mi darxi po'o le mi tamne fo le nazbi

I hit [only] my cousin at-locus the nose.

I only hit my cousin on his nose (I did nothing else to him).

mi darxi le mi tamne po'o fo le nazbi

I hit my cousin [only] at-locus the nose.

I hit only my cousin on his nose (no one else).

mi darxi le mi tamne fo le nazbi po'o

I hit my cousin at-locus the nose [only].

I hit my cousin only on his nose (nowhere else).

Note that “only” can go before or after what it modifies in English, but po'o, as an indicator, always comes afterward.

Next, the “commentary on words” group: <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning va'i [valsi] in other words in the same words ta'u [tanru] expanding a tanru making a tanru </tab>

The discursives va'i and ta'u operate at the level of words, rather than discourse proper, or if you like, they deal with how things are said. An alternative English expression for va'i is “rephrasing”; for va'inai, “repeating”. Also compare va'i with ke'u, discussed below.

The cmavo ta'u is a discursive unique to Lojban; it expresses the particularly Lojbanic device of tanru. Since tanru are semantically ambiguous, they are subject to misunderstanding. This ambiguity can be removed by expanding the tanru into some semantically unambiguous structure, often involving relative clauses or the introduction of additional brivla. The discursive ta'u marks the transition from the use of a brief but possibly confusing tanru to its fuller, clearer expansion; the discursive ta'unai marks a transition in the reverse direction.

Next, the “commentary on discourse” group: <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning li'a [klina] clearly obscurely ' obviously ba'u [banli] exaggeration accuracy understatement zo'o humorously dully seriously sa'e [satci] precisely speaking loosely speaking to'u [tordu] in brief in detail do'a [dunda] generously parsimoniously sa'u [sampu] simply elaborating pa'e [pajni] justice prejudice je'u [jetnu] truly falsely </tab>

This group is used by the speaker to characterize the nature of the discourse, so as to prevent misunderstanding. It is well-known that listeners often fail to recognize a humorous statement and take it seriously, or miss an exaggeration, or try to read more into a statement than the speaker intends to put there. In speech, the tone of voice often provides the necessary cue, but the reader of ironic or understated or imprecise discourse is often simply clueless. As with the attitudinals, the use of these cmavo may seem fussy to new Lojbanists, but it is important to remember that zo'o, for example, is the equivalent of smiling while you speak, not the equivalent of a flat declaration like “What I'm about to say is supposed to be funny.”

A few additional English equivalents: for sa'enai, “roughly speaking” or “approximately speaking”; for sa'unai, “furthermore”; for to'u, “in short” or “skipping details”; for do'a, “broadly construed”; for do'anai (as you might expect), “narrowly construed”.

The cmavo pa'e is used to claim (truly or falsely) that one is being fair or just to all parties mentioned, whereas pa'enai admits (or proclaims) a bias in favor of one party.

The scale of je'u and je'unai is a little different from the others in the group. By default, we assume that people speak the truth – or at least, that if they are lying, they will do their best to conceal it from us. So under what circumstances would je'unai be used, or je'u be useful? For one thing, je'u can be used to mark a tautology: a sentence that is a truth of logic, like “All cats are cats.” Its counterpart je'unai then serves to mark a logical contradiction. In addition, je'unai can be used to express one kind of sarcasm or irony, where the speaker pretends to believe what he/she says, but actually wishes the listener to infer a contrary opinion. Other forms of irony can be marked with zo'o (humor) or .ianai (disbelief).

When used as a discursive, su'a (See Section ) belongs to this group.

Next, the “knowledge” group:

<tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning ju'o [djuno] certainly uncertain certainly not la'a [lakne] probably improbably </tab>

These two discursives describe the speaker's state of knowledge about the claim of the associated bridi. They are similar to the propositional attitudes of

Section , as they create a hypothetical world. We may be quite certain that something is true, and label our bridi with ju'o; but it may be false all the same.

Next, the “discourse management” group: <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning ta'o [tanjo] by the way returning to point ra'u [ralju] chiefly equally incidentally mu'a [mupli] for example omitting examples end examples zu'u on the one hand on the other hand ke'u [krefu] repeating continuing da'i supposing in fact </tab>

This final group is used to perform what may be called “managing the discourse”: providing reference points to help the listener understand the flow from one sentence to the next.

Other English equivalents of ta'onai are “anyway”, “anyhow”, “in any case”, “in any event”, “as I was saying”, and “continuing”.

The scale of ra'u has to do with the importance of the point being, or about to be, expressed: ra'u is the most important point, ra'ucu'i is a point of equal importance, and ra'unai is a lesser point. Other English equivalents of ra'u are “above all” and “primarily”.

The cmavo ke'u is very similar to va'i, although ke'unai and va'inai are quite different. Both ke'u and va'i indicate that the same idea is going to be expressed using different words, but the two cmavo differ in emphasis. Using ke'u emphasizes that the content is the same; using va'i emphasizes that the words are different. Therefore, ke'unai shows that the content is new (and therefore the words are also); va'inai shows that the words are the same (and therefore so is the content). One English equivalent of ke'unai is “furthermore”.

The discursive da'i marks the discourse as possibly taking a non-real-world viewpoint ( “Supposing that”, “By hypothesis”), whereas da'inai insists on the real-world point of view ( “In fact”, “In truth”, “According to the facts”). A common use of da'i is to distinguish between:

ganai da'i do viska le mi citno mensi gi ju'o do djuno le du'u ri pazvau

If you [hypothetical] see my young sister, then [certain] you know that she is-pregnant.

If you were to see my younger sister, you would certainly know she is pregnant.

and:

ganai da'inai do viska le mi citno mensi gi ju'o do djuno le du'u ri pazvau

If you [factual] see my young sister, then [certainty] you know that she is-pregnant.

If you saw my younger sister, you would certainly know she is pregnant.

It is also perfectly correct to omit the discursive altogether, and leave the context to indicate which significance is meant. (Chinese always leaves this distinction to the context: the Chinese sentence

ru

is the equivalent of either or .)

Miscellaneous indicators

Some indicators do not fall neatly into the categories of attitudinal, evidential, or discursive. This section discusses the following miscellaneous indicators: <tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning ki'a metalinguistic confusion na'i metalinguistic negator jo'a metalinguistic affirmer li'o omitted text (quoted material) sa'a material inserted by editor/narrator xu true-false question pau question premarker rhetorical question pe'a figurative language literal language bi'u new information old information ge'e non-specific indicator </tab>

The cmavo ki'a is one of the most common of the miscellaneous indicators. It expresses metalinguistic confusion; i.e. confusion about what has been said, as opposed to confusion not tied to the discourse (which is .uanai). The confusion may be about the meaning of a word or of a grammatical construct, or about the referent of a sumti. One of the uses of English “which” corresponds to ki'a:

mi nelci le ctuca

.i le ki'a ctuca

I like the teacher

Which teacher?

Here, the second speaker does not understand the referent of the sumti le ctuca, and so echoes back the sumti with the confusion marker.

The metalinguistic negation cmavo na'i and its opposite jo'a are explained in full in

Chapter ELG-ERROR in Template:Lch. In general, na'i indicates that there is something wrong with a piece of discourse: either an error, or a false underlying assumption, or something else of the sort. The discourse is invalid or inappropriate due to the marked word or construct.

Similarly, jo'a marks something which looks wrong but is in fact correct. These two cmavo constitute a scale, but are kept apart for two reasons: na'inai means the same as jo'a, but would be too confusing as an affirmation; jo'anai means the same as na'i, but is too long to serve as a convenient metalinguistic negator.

The next two cmavo are used to assist in quoting texts written or spoken by others. It is often the case that we wish to quote only part of a text, or to supply additional material either by way of commentary or to make a fragmentary text grammatical. The cmavo li'o serves the former function. It indicates that words were omitted from the quotation. What remains of the quotation must be grammatical, however, as li'o does not serve any grammatical function. It cannot, for example, take the place of a missing selbri in a bridi, or supply the missing tail of a description sumti: le li'o in isolation is not grammatical.

The cmavo sa'a indicates in a quotation that the marked word or construct was not actually expressed, but is inserted for editorial, narrative, or grammatical purposes. Strictly, even a li'o should appear in the form li'osa'a, since the li'o was not part of the original quotation. In practice, this and other forms which are already associated with metalinguistic expressions, such as sei (of selma'o SEI) or to'i (of selma'o TO) need not be marked except where confusion might result.

In the rare case that the quoted material already contains one or more instances of sa'a, they can be changed to sa'asa'a.

The cmavo xu marks truth questions, which are discussed in detail in Section . In general, xu may be translated “Is it true that ... ?” and questions whether the attached bridi is true. When xu is attached to a specific word or construct, it directs the focus of the question to that word or construct.

Lojban question words, unlike those of English, frequently do not stand at the beginning of the question. Placing the cmavo pau at the beginning of a bridi helps the listener realize that the bridi is a question, like the symbol at the beginning of written Spanish questions that looks like an upside-down question mark. The listener is then warned to watch for the actual question word.

Although pau is grammatical in any location (like all indicators), it is not really useful except at or near the beginning of a bridi. Its scalar opposite, paunai, signals that a bridi is not really a question despite its form. This is what we call in English a rhetorical question: an example appears in the English text near the beginning of

Section .

The cmavo pe'a is the indicator of figurative speech, indicating that the previous word should be taken figuratively rather than literally:

mi viska le blanu pe'a zdani

I see the blue [figurative] house.

I see the “blue” house.

Here the house is not blue in the sense of color, but in some other sense, whose meaning is entirely culturally dependent. The use of pe'a unambiguously marks a cultural reference: blanu in could mean “sad” (as in English) or something completely different.

The negated form, pe'anai, indicates that what has been said is to be interpreted literally, in the usual way for Lojban; natural-language intuition is to be ignored.

Alone among the cmavo of selma'o UI, pe'a has a rafsi, namely

pev. This rafsi is used in forming figurative (culturally dependent) lujvo, whose place structure need have nothing to do with the place structure of the components. Thus risnyjelca (heart burn) might have a place structure like:

x1 is the heart of x2, burning in atmosphere x3 at temperature x4

whereas pevrisnyjelca, explicitly marked as figurative, might have the place structure:

x1 is indigestion/heartburn suffered by x2

which obviously has nothing to do with the places of either risna or jelca.

The uses of bi'u and bi'unai correspond to one of the uses of the English articles “the” and “a/an”. An English-speaker telling a story may begin with “I saw a man who ...”. Later in the story, the same man will be referred to with the phrase “the man”. Lojban does not use its articles in the same way: both “a man” and “the man” would be translated le nanmu, since the speaker has in mind a specific man. However, the first use might be marked le bi'u nanmu, to indicate that this is a new man, not mentioned before. Later uses could correspondingly be tagged le bi'unai nanmu.

Most of the time, the distinction between bi'u and bi'unai need not be made, as the listener can infer the right referent. However, if a different man were referred to still later in the story, le bi'u nanmu would clearly show that this man was different from the previous one.

Finally, the indicator ge'e has been discussed in

Section and Section . It is used to express an attitude which is not covered by the existing set, or to avoid expressing any attitude.

Another use for ge'e is to explicitly avoid expressing one's feeling on a given scale; in this use, it functions like a member of selma'o CAI: .iige'e means roughly “I'm not telling whether I'm afraid or not.”

<tab class=wikitable> cmavo selma'o subclass meaning kau indirect question </tab>

This cmavo is explained in detail in Section . It marks the word it is attached to as the focus of an indirect question:

mi djuno le du'u dakau klama le zarci

I know the statement-that somebody [indirect ?] goes to-the store.

I know who goes to the store.

==Vocative scales==“Vocatives” are words used to address someone directly; they precede and mark a name used in direct address, just as la (and the other members of selma'o LA) mark a name used to refer to someone. The vocatives actually are indicators – in fact, discursives – but the need to tie them to names and other descriptions of listeners requires them to be separated from selma'o UI. But like the cmavo of UI, the members of selma'o COI can be “negated” with nai to get the opposite part of the scale.

Because of the need for redundancy in noisy environments, the Lojban design does not compress the vocatives into a minimum number of scales. Doing so would make a non-redundant nai too often vital to interpretation of a protocol signal, as explained later in this section.

The grammar of vocatives is explained in Section 8.10; but in brief, a vocative may be followed by a name (without la), a description (without le or its relatives), a complete sumti, or nothing at all (if the addressee is obvious from the context). There is an elidable terminator, do'u (of selma'o DOhU) which is almost never required unless no name (or other indication of the addressee) follows the vocative.

Using any vocative except mi'e (explained below) implicitly defines the meaning of the pro-sumti do, as the whole point of vocatives is to specify the listener, or at any rate the desired listener – even if the desired listener isn't listening! We will use the terms “speaker” and “listener” for clarity, although in written Lojban the appropriate terms would be “writer” and “reader”.

In the following list of vocatives, the translations include the symbol X. This represents the name (or identifying description, or whatever) of the listener.

The cmavo doi is the general-purpose vocative. Unlike the cmavo of selma'o COI, explained below, doi can precede a name directly without an intervening pause. It is not considered a scale, and doinai is not grammatical. In general, doi needs no translation in English (we just use names by themselves without any preceding word, although in poetic styles we sometimes say “Oh X”, which is equivalent to doi). One may attach an attitudinal to doi to express various English vocatives. For example, doi .io means “Sir/Madam!”, whereas doi .ionai means “You there!”.

All members of selma'o COI require a pause when used immediately before a name, in order to prevent the name from absorbing the COI word. This is unlike selma'o DOI and LA, which do not require pauses because the syllables of these cmavo are not permitted to be embedded in a Lojban name. When calling out to someone, this is fairly natural, anyway. “Hey! John!” is thus a better translation of ju'i .djan. than “Hey John!”. No pause is needed if the vocative reference is something other than a name, as in the title of the Lojban journal, ju'i lobypli.

(Alternatively, doi can be inserted between the COI cmavo and the name, making a pause unnecessary: coi doi djan.) coi <attitudinal-scale point="sai">greetings</attitudinal-scale> <description role="long">“Hello, X”; “Greetings, X”; indicates a greeting to the listener. </description> co'o <attitudinal-scale point="sai">partings</attitudinal-scale> <description role="long">“Good-bye, X”; indicates parting from immediate company by either the speaker or the listener. coico'o means “greeting in passing”. </description> ju'i <gismu>[jundi]</gismu> <attitudinal-scale point="sai">attention</attitudinal-scale> <attitudinal-scale point="cu'i">at ease</attitudinal-scale> <attitudinal-scale point="nai">ignore me/us</attitudinal-scale> <description role="long">“Attention/Lo/Hark/Behold/Hey!/Listen, X”; indicates an important communication that the listener should listen to. </description> nu'e <gismu>[nupre]</gismu> <attitudinal-scale point="sai">promise</attitudinal-scale> <attitudinal-scale point="cu'i">release promise</attitudinal-scale> <attitudinal-scale point="nai">non-promise</attitudinal-scale> <description role="long">“I promise, X”; indicates a promise to the listener. In some contexts, nu'e may be prefixed to an oath or other formal declaration. </description> ta'a <gismu>[tavla]</gismu> <attitudinal-scale point="sai">interruption</attitudinal-scale> <description role="long">“I interrupt, X”, “I desire the floor, X”; a vocative expression to (possibly) interrupt and claim the floor to make a statement or expression. This can be used for both rude and polite interruptions, although rude interruptions will probably tend not to use a vocative at all. An appropriate response to an interruption might be re'i (or re'inai to ignore the interruption). </description> pe'u <gismu>[cpedu]</gismu> <attitudinal-scale point="sai">request</attitudinal-scale> <description role="long">“Please, X”; indicates a request to the listener. It is a formal, non-attitudinal, equivalent of e'o with a specific recipient being addressed. On the other hand, e'o may be used when there is no specific listener, but merely a “sense of petition floating in the air”, as it were. </description> ki'e <gismu>[ckire]</gismu> <attitudinal-scale point="sai">appreciation</attitudinal-scale> <attitudinal-scale point="sai">gratitude</attitudinal-scale> <attitudinal-scale point="nai">disappreciation</attitudinal-scale> <attitudinal-scale point="nai">ingratitude</attitudinal-scale> <description role="long">“Thank you, X”; indicates appreciation or gratitude toward the listener. The usual response is je'e, but fi'i is appropriate on rare occasions: see the explanation of fi'i. </description> fi'i <gismu>[friti]</gismu> <attitudinal-scale point="sai">welcome</attitudinal-scale> <attitudinal-scale point="sai">offering</attitudinal-scale> <attitudinal-scale point="nai">unwelcome</attitudinal-scale> <attitudinal-scale point="nai">inhospitality</attitudinal-scale> <description role="long">“At your service, X”; “Make yourself at home, X”; offers hospitality (possibly in response to thanks, but not necessarily) to the listener. Note that fi'i is <emphasis>not</emphasis> the equivalent of American English “You're welcome” as a mechanical response to “Thank you”; that is je'e, as noted below. </description> be'e <gismu>[benji]</gismu> <attitudinal-scale point="sai">request to send</attitudinal-scale> <description role="long">“Request to send to X”; indicates that the speaker wishes to express something, and wishes to ensure that the listener is listening. In a telephone conversation, can be used to request the desired conversant(s). A more colloquial equivalent is “Hello? Can I speak to X?”. </description> re'i <gismu>[bredi]</gismu> <attitudinal-scale point="sai">ready to receive</attitudinal-scale> <attitudinal-scale point="nai">not ready</attitudinal-scale> <description role="long">“Ready to receive, X”; indicates that the speaker is attentive and awaiting communication from the listener. It can be used instead of mi'e to respond when called to the telephone. The negative form can be used to prevent the listener from continuing to talk when the speaker is unable to pay attention: it can be translated “Hold on!” or “Just a minute”. </description> mu'o <gismu>[mulno]</gismu> <attitudinal-scale point="sai">completion of utterance</attitudinal-scale> <attitudinal-scale point="nai">more to follow</attitudinal-scale> <description role="long">“Over, X”; indicates that the speaker has completed the current utterance and is ready to hear a response from the listener. The negative form signals that the pause or non-linguistic sound which follows does not represent the end of the current utterance: more colloquially, “I'm not done talking!” </description> je'e <gismu>[jimpe]</gismu> <attitudinal-scale point="sai">successful receipt</attitudinal-scale> <attitudinal-scale point="nai">unsuccessful receipt</attitudinal-scale> <description role="long">“Roger, X!”, “I understand”; acknowledges the successful receipt of a communication from the listener. The negative form indicates failure to receive correctly, and is usually followed by ke'o. The colloquial English equivalents of je'e and je'enai are the grunt typically written “uh-huh” and “What?/Excuse me?”. je'e is also used to mean “You're welcome” when that is a response to “Thank you”. </description> vi'o <attitudinal-scale point="sai">will comply</attitudinal-scale> <attitudinal-scale point="nai">will not comply</attitudinal-scale> <description role="long">“Wilco, X”, “I understand and will comply”. Similar to je'e but signals an intention (similar to .ai) to comply with the other speaker's request. This cmavo is the main way of saying “OK” in Lojban, in the usual sense of “Agreed!”, although .ie carries some of the same meaning. The negative form indicates that the message was received but that you will not comply: a very colloquial version is “No way!”. </description> ke'o <gismu>[krefu]</gismu> <attitudinal-scale point="sai">please repeat</attitudinal-scale> <attitudinal-scale point="nai">no repeat needed</attitudinal-scale> <description role="long">“What did you say, X?”; a request for repetition or clarification due to unsuccessful receipt or understanding. This is the vocative equivalent of ki'a, and is related to je'enai. The negative form may be rendered “Okay, already; I get the point!” </description> fe'o <gismu>[fanmo]</gismu> <attitudinal-scale point="sai">end of communication</attitudinal-scale> <attitudinal-scale point="nai">not done</attitudinal-scale> <description role="long">“Over and out, X”; indicates completion of statement(s) and communication directed at the identified person(s). Used to terminate a letter if a signature is not required because the sender has already been identified (as in memos). The negative form means “Wait, hold it, we're not done!” and differs from mu'onai in that it means more exchanges are to follow, rather than that the current exchange is incomplete. </description>

Do not confuse fe'o with fa'o (selma'o FAhO) which is a mechanical, extra-grammatical signal that a text is complete. One may say fe'o to one participant of a multi-way conversation and then go on speaking to the others. mi'e <gismu>[cmavo: mi]</gismu> <attitudinal-scale point="sai">self-identification</attitudinal-scale> <attitudinal-scale point="nai">non-identification</attitudinal-scale> <description role="long">“And I am X”; a generalized self-vocative. Although grammatically just like the other members of selma'o COI, mi'e is quite different semantically. In particular, rather than specifying the listener, the person whose name (or description) follows mi'e is taken to be the speaker. Therefore, using mi'e specifies the meaning of the pro-sumti mi. It can be used to introduce oneself, to close letters, or to identify oneself on the telephone. </description>

This cmavo is often combined with other members of COI: fe'omi'e would be an appropriate closing at the end of a letter; re'imi'e would be a self-vocative used in delayed responses, as when called to the phone, or possibly in a roll-call. As long as the mi'e comes last, the following name is that of the speaker; if another COI cmavo is last, the following name is that of the listener. It is not possible to name both speaker and listener in a single vocative expression, but this fact is of no importance, because wherever one vocative expression is grammatical, any number of consecutive ones may appear.

The negative form denies an identity which someone else has attributed to you; mi'enai .djan. means that you are saying you are not John.

Many of the vocatives have been listed with translations which are drawn from radio use: “roger”, “wilco”, “over and out”. This form of translation does not mean that Lojban is a language of CB enthusiasts, but rather that in most natural languages these forms are so well handled by the context that only in specific domains (like speaking on the radio) do they need special words. In Lojban, dependence on the context can be dangerous, as speaker and listener may not share the right context, and so the vocatives provide a formal protocol for use when it is appropriate. Other appropriate contexts include computer communications and parliamentary procedure: in the latter context, the protocol question ta'apei would mean “Will the speaker yield?”

A sample dialogue

The following dialogue in Lojban illustrates the uses of attitudinals and protocol vocatives in conversation. The phrases enclosed in sei ... se'u indicate the speaker of each sentence.

la rik. .e la .alis. nerkla le kafybarja

Rick and Alice in-go to-the coffee-bar.

Rick and Alice go into the coffee bar.

.i sei la rik. cusku se'u ta'a ro zvati be ti mi baza speni ti .iu

[Comment] Rick says, [end-comment] [Interrupt] all at this-place, I [future] [medium] am-spouse-to this-one [love].

Rick said, “Sorry to break in, everybody. Pretty soon I'm getting married to my love here.”

.i sei la djordj. cusku se'u .a'o ko gleki doi ma

[Comment] George says, [end-comment] [Hope] [You-imperative] are-happy, O [who?].

George said, “I hope you'll be happy, um, ...?”

.i sei la pam. cusku se'u pe'u .alis. xu mi ba terfriti le nunspenybi'o

[Comment] Pam says, [end-comment] [Please] Alice, [Is it true?] I [future] receive-offer-of the event-of-spouse-becoming?

Pam said, “Please, Alice, am I going to be invited to the wedding?”

.i sei la mark. cusku se'u coi baza speni a'o le re do lifri le ka gleki

[Comment] Mark says, [end-comment] [Greetings] [future] [medium] spouse(s), [Hope] the two of-you experience the-property-of being-happy

Mark said, “Hello, spouses-to-be. I hope both of you will be very happy.”

.i sei la rik. cusku se'u mi'e .rik. doi terpreti

[Comment] Rick says, [end-comment] [I am] Rick, O questioners.

Rick said, “My name is Rick, for those of you who want to know.”

.i sei la .alis. cusku se'u nu'e .pam. .o'ero'i do ba zvati

[Comment] Alice says, [end-comment] [Promise-to] Pam, [closeness] [emotional] you [future] are-at.

Alice said, “I promise you'll be there, Pam honey.”

.i sei la fred. cusku se'u .uinaicairo'i mi ji'a prami la .alis. fe'o .rik.

[Comment] Fred says, [end-comment] [Happy] [not] [emphatic] [emotional] I [additionally] love Alice. [Over and out to] Rick.

<natlang>“I love Alice too,” said Fred miserably. “Have a nice life, Rick.”</natlang>

.i la fred. cliva

Fred leaves.

And he left.

.i sei la rik. cusku se'u fi'i ro zvati ko pinxe pa ckafi fi'o pleji mi

[Comment] Rick says, [end-comment] [Welcome-to] all at-place, [You-imperative] drink one coffee with-payer me.

Rick said, raising his voice, “A cup of coffee for the house, on me.”

.i sei la pam. cusku se'u be'e selfu

[Comment] Pam says, [end-comment] [Request to speak to] server.

Pam said, “Waiter!”

.i sei le selfu cu cusku se'u re'i [end-comment]

[Comment] The server says, [Ready to receive].

The waiter replied, “May I help you?”

.i sei la pam. cusku se'u .e'o ko selfu le traji xamgu ckafi le baza speni fi'o pleji mi

[Comment] Pam says, [end-comment] [Petition] [You-imperative] serve the (superlatively good) coffee to-the [future] [medium] spouse with-payer me.

Pam said, “One Jamaica Blue for the lovebirds here, on my tab.”

.i sei le selfu cu cusku se'u vi'o

[Comment] The server says, [end-comment] [Will comply].

“Gotcha”, said the waiter.

.i sei la rik. cusku se'u ki'e .pam.

[Comment] Rick says, [end-comment] [Thanks O] Pam.

“Thanks, Pam”, said Rick.

.i sei la pam. cusku se'u je'e

[Comment] Pam says, [end-comment] [Acknowledge].

“Sure”, said Pam.

.i sei la djan. cusku se'u .y. mi .y. mutce spopa .y. le nu le speni si .y. ba speni .y. .y. su .yyyyyy. mu'o

[Comment] John says, [end-comment] [Uh] I [uh] very [nonexistent gismu] [uh] the event-of the spouse [erase] [uh] [future] spouse [uh] [uh] [erase all] [uh] [over]

John said, “I, er, a lotta, uh, marriage, upcoming marriage, .... Oh, forget it. Er, later.”

.i sei la djordj. cusku se'u ke'o .djan. zo'o

[Comment] George says, [end-comment] [Repeat O] John [humor].

“How's that again, John?” said George.

.i sei la pam. cusku se'u ju'i .djordj. .e'unai le kabri bazi farlu

[Comment] Pam says, [end-comment] [Attention] George, [Warning] the cup [future] [short] falls

“George, watch out!” said Pam. “The cup's falling!”

.i le kabri cu je'a farlu

The cup indeed falls.

The cup fell.

.i sei la djan. cusku se'u e'o doi djordj. zo'o rapygau

[Comment] John says, [end-comment] [Petition] O George [humor] repeat-cause.

John said, “Try that again, George!”

.i sei la djordj. cusku se'u co'o ro zvati pe secau la djan. ga'i

[Comment] George says, [end-comment] [Partings] all at-place without John [superiority]

“Goodbye to all of you,” said George sneeringly, “except John.”

.i la djordj. cliva

George leaves.

George left.

Tentative conclusion

The exact ramifications of the indicator system in actual usage are unknown. There has never been anything like it in natural language before. The system provides great potential for emotional expression and transcription, from which significant Sapir-Whorf effects can be anticipated. When communicating across cultural boundaries, where different indicators are often used for the same emotion, accidental offense can be avoided. If we ever ran into an alien race, a culturally neutral language of emotion could be vital. (A classic example, taken from the science fiction of Larry Niven, is to imagine speaking Lojban to the carnivorous warriors called Kzinti, noting that a human smile bares the teeth, and could be seen as an intent to attack.) And for communicating emotions to computers, when we cannot identify all of the signals involved in subliminal human communication (things like body language are also cultural), a system like this is needed.

We have tried to err on the side of overkill. There are distinctions possible in this system that no one may care to make in any culture. But it was deemed more neutral to overspecify and let usage decide, than to choose a limited set and constrain emotional expression. For circumstances in which even the current indicator set is not enough, it is possible using the cmavo sei, explained in Section , to create metalinguistic comments that act like indicators.

We envision an evolutionary development. At this point, the system is little more than a mental toy. Many of you who read this will try playing around with various combinations of indicators, trying to figure out what emotions they express and when the expressions might be useful. You may even find an expression for which there currently is no good English word and start using it. Why not, if it helps you express your feelings?

There will be a couple dozen of these used pretty much universally – mostly just simple attitudinals with, at most, intensity markers. These are the ones that will quickly be expressed at the subconscious level. But every Lojbanist who plays with the list will bring in a couple of new words. Poets will paint emotional pictures, and people who identify with those pictures will use the words so created for their own experiences.

Just as a library of tanru is built up, so will a library of attitudes be built. Unlike the tanru, though, the emotional expressions are built on some fairly nebulous root emotions – words that cannot be defined with the precision of the gismu. The emotion words of Lojban will very quickly take on a life of their own, and the outline given here will evolve into a true system of emotions.

There are several theories as to the nature of emotion, and they change from year to year as we learn more about ourselves. Whether or not Lojban's additive/scalar emotional model is an accurate model for human emotions, it does support the linguistic needs for expressing those emotions. Researchers may learn more about the nature of human emotions by exploring the use of the system by Lojban speakers. They also may be able to use the Lojban system as a means for more clearly recording emotions.

The full list of scales and attitudes will probably not be used until someone speaks the language from birth. Until then, people will use the attitudes that are important to them. In this way, we counter cultural bias – if a culture is prone to recognizing and/or expressing certain emotions more than others, its members will use only those out of the enormous set available. If a culture hides certain emotions, its members simply won't express them.

Perhaps native Lojban speakers will be more expressively clear about their emotions than others. Perhaps they will feel some emotions more strongly than others in ways that can be correlated with the word choices; any difference from the norms of other cultures could be significant. Psychologists have devised elaborate tests for measuring attitudes and personality; this may be the easiest area in which to detect any systematic cultural effect of the type sought to confirm Sapir-Whorf, simply because we already have tools in existence to test it. Because Lojban is unique among languages in having such extensive and expressive indicators, it is likely that a Sapir-Whorf effect will occur and will be recognized.

It is unlikely that we will know the true potential of a system like this one until and unless we have children raised entirely in a multi-cultural Lojban-speaking environment. We learn too many cultural habits in the realm of emotional communication “at our mother's knee”. Such children will have a Lojban system that has stronger reinforcement than any typical culture system. The second generation of such children, then, could be said to be the start of a true Lojbanic culture.

We shouldn't need to wait that long to detect significant effects. Emotion is so basic to our lives that even a small change or improvement in emotional communication would have immediately noticeable effects. Perhaps it will be the case that the most important contribution of our “logical language” will be in the non-logical realm of emotion!

Subjunctives. Imaginative and factitive te sumti types.

Introduction. fau and da'i

In this lesson we'll talk about subjunctive worlds. Let me explain what it means.

The first basic word in this section is.

da'i (UI3). The clause containing this particle describes an imaginary, not real event. Expresses subjunctive mood (in linguistics terms)

The opposite word for it is:

da'inai. The clause containing this particle describes an actual, real, not an imaginary event. Expresses indicative mood (in linguistics terms)

Constructs with da'i are usually translated to English with so called auxiliary verbs such as can/could, will/would, may/might, should and must. Clauses with da'i in English are said to be in subjunctive mood.

The second basic word that we'll deal with in this lesson is fanbu.

fanbu = x1 is a situation / time / place / "internal world" / event / circumstances / conditions (by default this world/this time/this place/this reality) in which x2 actually takes place

lo nu mi ca ciska cu se fanbu

The event of me writing now is actually taking place.

This verb covers some situation, imaginary or real. Sometimes such situation happens during some time in some place. You might notice that this powerful word fanbu in some ways resembles Einstein's concept of unity between time and space. Well, actually in the Quechua language a similar concept of pacha (roughly translated as a world) has existed for at least hundreds of years. However, our fanbu can cover even imaginary situations.

fanbu covers such verbs as fasnu, vanbi (hence its similarity to those two), tcini, cabna, selzvati, munje but it has a more generalized meaning.

The verb fanbu describes events or situations taking place in a described world.

fanbu is very useful when joining two events within one without raising any causal relation like in the following sentence: "By banging his gavel and standing up, the judge declared the trial adjourned".

We'll use one short and very useful preposition here:

fau = in the event/situation/world of ...

fau = fi'o fanbu

Often it's more convenient to use this preposition fau instead of the full verb fanbu.

We might want to combine those two words with each other. That's how we get several scenarios.

Let's discuss them all.

da'i and fau in main and in embedded clauses

da'i broda fau da describes events taking place not in da, i.e. not in our fanbu. In other words we create an imaginary world and talk about it.

broda fau da'i da talks about probabilities of events in da - the fanbu we previously created in our speech and now describe. We don't create any new worlds here.

We can omit da'i in such sentences making them more vague and short.

Omitting da'i doesn't add factuality to the clauses where it is absent.

You should add da'inai only to explicitly state factuality.

da'i broda. Imagination

Let's compare the following sentences:

a) da'i mi pavyseljirna

I could be a unicorn.

b) da'inai mi pavyseljirna

I am a unicorn.

c) mi pavyseljirna

I am a unicorn.

In the sentence a) the event is imagined.

The word da'inai from sentence b) explicitly states that the event is not imagined by anyone and therefore takes place in this world.

The meaning of the sentence c) would be clear from it's context.

da'i broda fau lo nu broda

da'i mi gleki fau lo nu mi ponse lo megdo rupnu

I am happy in-an-imaginary-world-in-which I have one million dollars.

I would/could be happy if I had one million dollars.

I would/could be happy in a world where I had one million dollars.

I imagine myself being happy and having one million dollars.

Here the event inside fau is equally imagined together with mi gleki. And here is the reverse example:

da'inai mi gleki fau lo nu mi ponse lo megdo rupnu

Having one million dollars I am happy.

broda fau da'i da. Probabilities

The following constructs can be used.

1. broda fau da'i da = x1 is possible; x1 may/can possibly happen.
2. broda fau da'i ro da= x1 is certain; x1 would necessarily happen.
3. broda fau da'i so'e da = x1 is probable; x1 will probably/is likely to happen.
4. broda fau da'i so'o da = x1 is remotely probable; x1 could/might happen.
5. broda fau da'i so'u da = x1 is not likely, probably not.
6. broda fau da'i no da = x1 is not possible.

As you can the difference between these is the number of fanbu we take into account.

Suppose you come home and hear someone scratching. You can say one of the following sentences (we'll omit da'i for brevity):

fau da ti mlatu.

This might be/possibly is a cat. It is possible that this is a cat.

(You keep several animals at home. So it might be your cat scratching but you are not sure).

fau ro da ti mlatu.

this must be/certainly is the cat.

(You have a cat and such noise can be produced by only one object, that cat).

fau so'e da ti mlatu.

This should be/probably is the cat.

(If you have a dog then it can also produce such sounds but your dog usually doesn't do that so the cat is more likely).

fau so'u da ti mlatu.

It is not probable that this is the cat.

fau no da ti mlatu

This can't be the cat. This must be not the cat. It is impossible that this is the cat.

Of course we can rephrase any of those sentences as e.g.

da fanbu lo nu ti mlatu

The state of this being-a-cat is possible.

Double negation

Sometimes it's necessary to use double negation. Let's show how this works using examples from English and Chinese.

The structure 非...不可 (fēi … bùkě) is one of the most commonly used in Mandarin Chinese. It means "must"/"absolutely must"/"need to." 非 means "not"/"no" and 不可 means "not possible". It's literally translated as "not not possible."

mi na'e cfifa'i ra fau no da

我非批评她不可。

wǒ fēi pīpíng tā bùkě

I can't not to criticize her.

I absolutely must criticize her.

mi'a na'e tadni fau no da

我们非学习不可。

wǒmen fēi xuéxí bùkě

We must study.

broda fau da'i PA nu brode

Here is a story. A tourist lady glances smilingly at another tourist lady, already seated, as she passes down the aisle. The seated tourist lady says

- Oh! Have I taken your seat?

- No. And if you had, it wouldn't have mattered!

The last sentence in Lojban would be na go'i i fau da'i lo nu do go'i na vajni Here we have a speaker displaying publicly a feature of a privately imagined world. The amazing thing is that we all trust the speaker of this graceful sentence to "know" the causal laws by which she runs events in her own imaginary world, and so we trust her report of this causal linkage! We trust her, in short, to know herself so well that she can speak "truly" of an imaginary situation in which she has probably never found herself before!

Here are other examples.

fau da'i ronu mi megdo rupnu ponse vau mi ricfu

If I have a million dollars, I'm necessarily rich.

fau da'i su'o nu lo trene cu spofu vau mi jai lerci

If the train breaks down, I could be late.

If the train breaks down (or: had broken down), I could be late (= it could happen that I am late).

In some possible world in which the train breaks down, I am late.

fau da'i su'o nu do mi jibni vau mi do darxi

Were you (ever) to come near me, it's possible that I'd hit you.

broda PU da'i PA nu brode

As said earlier fanbu is a more general verb compared to cabna. Therefore instead of fau we can use tenses described in earlier chapters like pu, ca, ba or (in verb form) purci, cabna, balvi and combine them with da'i.

mi gleki ca da'i su'o nu mi ponse lo megdo rupnu

I might be happy when I have one million dollars

fau da'i ro nu do mi ba jibni vau mi do darxi

If you come near me, I will hit you.

ba nu fau da'i da la toriz cu jinga fo lo ba co'e

Come what may, the Tories will win the next election.

fau da'i su'o nu do mi ba jibni vau mi do darxi

If you ever come near me, it's possible that I'll hit you.

fau da'i da la toriz ba jinga fo lo ba co'e

The Tories could win the next election.

Some more examples to show the power of fau da'i

fau da'i da la toriz cu jinga fo lo ba co'e

The Tories could have won the next election

fau da'i ro da ro nanmu cu prenu

Men are necessarily people.

In every possible world, every man is a person

fau da'i ronu lo trene cu spofu vau mi jai lerci

If the train breaks down (or: had broken down), I would be late

In every possible world in which the train breaks down, I am late

fau da'i ronu do mi jibni vau mi do darxi

Were you (ever) to come near me, I would hit you.

Whenever you come near me, I would hit you.

fau da'i ro da la toriz cu jinga fo lo ba co'e

It's impossible that the Tories could have failed to win the next election.

da'i broda fau da'i lo nu brode. Imagination and probabilities

We can also describe an alternative imagined world using da'i in the main clause and talk about possible events in it using fau da'i. Thus we get full subjunctive claims.

da'i mi gleki fau da'i su'o nu mi ponse lo megdo rupnu.

I might (possibly) be happy if I had one million dollars.

da'i mi gleki fau da'i so'e nu mi ponse lo megdo rupnu.

I should (probably) be happy if I had one million dollars.

da'i mi gleki fau da'i ro nu mi ponse lo megdo rupnu.

I would (certainly) be happy if I had one million dollars.

We don't have to combine da'i with fau da'i all the time. We do that when we want maximum clarity giving the subjunctive world this optional second dimension.

Likelihood of possibilities

When we want to specify the pro- or counterfactuality of our subjunctive worlds we use such clauses as but it'll never happen or which is impossible or and that's quite possible.

Let's show how we can express them.

da'i mi gleki fau lonu mi ponse lo megdo rupnu i da'inai go'i fau da'i noda

I would be happy if I had one million dollars, which (the event of me having one million dollars) is not possible.

As usual go'i copies the previous verb phrase but doesn't copy da'i or any other particle of class UI or sei clause. Then da'inai is used in this copied phrase. This da'inai refers to the current non-imagined world. And a new fau da'i clause is added thus stating that the imaginary event of me having one million dollars is not possible inside this world.

da'i mi gleki fau lonu mi ponse lo megdo rupnu i da'inai go'i fau da'i su'o me'i so'e da

I would be happy if I had one million dollars, which (the event of me having one million dollars) is possible but not likely.

da'i mi gleki fau lonu mi ponse lo megdo rupnu i da'inai go'i fau da'i so'e me'i ro da

I would be happy if I had one million dollars, which (the event of me having one million dollars) is likely but not certain.

And this is how we can create contradictions. Let's use our example with morsi.

mi na'e pacna lo nu do morsi

I don't hope you die (and you didn't yet!)

mi na'e pacna lo nu do morsi i me ri da'inai

I don't hope you die (but yet, you do!)

Advanced management of fau and da'i

Some parts of a verb phrase can refer to imaginary objects, others to non-imagined objects. In such cases we mark different parts of the phrase with da'i or da'inai where needed.

1. da'inai lo panzi be ra cu bilma

   His kids are ill (it is known he has kids and it is known they are ill).

2. lo da'inai panzi be ra cu bilma fau da'i da

   Maybe his kids are ill (i.e., it is known that he has kids but it is not known whether they are ill).

3. di bilma fau ro nu di da'inai panzi be ra

   His kids'll be ill OR If he has kids, they are ill (i.e., it is unknown whether he has kids, but if he does, they are certainly ill).

4. di bilma fau su'o nu di da'inai panzi be ra

   Maybe his kids are ill (i.e., it is unknown if he has kids but if he does, they may be ill).

5. di bilma fau ro nu di da'i panzi be ra

   His kids would be (would have been) ill (i.e., if he had kids they would be ill, but he doesn't).

6. di bilma fau su'o nu di da'i panzi be ra

   His kids might've been ill (if he had kids, but he doesn't, so we'll never know).

7. lo panzi be ra cu bilma fau ro da

   His kids are (must be) ill (i.e., as implied by some other fact such as his staying home from work).

8. lo panzi be ra cu bilma fau da

   His kids may be ill (i.e., as implied by some other fact such as his staying home from work).

Global subjunctivity

Subjunctivity can be implied in many other places. When you say

lo'e cinfo cu fengu

Typical lion is angry.

you don't state that it is angry now. Actually you are not talking about any given lion but about some typical, i.e. imaginary one. Similarly,

mi vedli lo ka pu bajra

I remember myself running.

talks about past events that are retained only in your memory.

In some languages future tense is equivalent to subjunctive mood. This makes sense as future events can usually only be predicted, i.e. imagined.

The words metfo and pevna (and the interjection pe'a) describe events and objects as having imagined properties.

Words with da'i copied from the clause into arguments

Another example showing that da'i is implied in many abstraction places of verbs.

mi catlu lo nu do morsi

I watch you die (and you really do die, else how could I watch it?)

The second place of the verb catlu copies the value of da'i/da'i nai from the main clause.

So when you have da'i nai stated or implied by context in the main clause (mi catlu) it is also present inside lo nu do morsi. But e.g. explicitly adding da'i into the inner clause leads to no effect. It can't override da'i in the main clause.

Words with static da'i in arguments

Other verbs can have some places with da'i implied (and not copied from external verb phrase). Some of them can be completely defined using fanbu and da'i. Here are some of them with glosses.

• EXPECT

kanpe = x1 expects/looks for the occurrence of x2 (da'i-event), expected likelihood x3 (0-1, default li so'a, i.e. near 1); x1 subjectively evaluates the likelihood of x2 (event) to be x3.

x1 x2 x3 kanpe = ga'a x1 x2 da'i se fanbu me x3 da

mi kanpe lo nu do ba jinga vau li so'e

I expect with a high probability that you will win.

You'll probably win.

kanpe describes possible events in our fanbu from the viewpoint of it's creator or user.

mi kanpe lo nu mi cortu fau ro nu lo rokci cu farlu lo tuple be mi

I know for a fact that if a rock lands on my foot, it will hurt.

• POSSIBLE

cumki = x1 (da'i-event/state/property) is possible under conditions x2; x1 may/might occur; x1 is a maybe.

x1 x2 cumki = x1 da'i se fanbu su'o x2

x1 cumki = fa zi'o fe x1 fi li su'o kanpe

• PROBABLE

lakne = x1 (da'i-event/state/property) is probable/likely under conditions x2.

x1 x2 lakne = x1 da'i se fanbu so'e x2

x1 lakne = fa zi'o fe x1 fi li so'e kanpe

• WOULD BE

vudbi = x1 (da'i-event/state/property) must occur under conditions x2; x1 can't not to occur; x1 is a must; it's impossible that it wouldn't x1 under conditions x2; it would would necessarily x1 under x2; it is not the case that it is possible that it is not the case that x1 happens under conditions x2

x1 vudbi = x1 da'i se fanbu ro x2

Technically vudbi = naku naku cumki. naku...naku creates a negation scope only between the two naku.

• DESIRE

djica = x1 wants x2 (da'i-event)

mi djica lo ka vitke fi la .paris.

I would rather visit Paris. I want to visit Paris.

Indeed, what we desire is always in our imaginary world.

• HOPE

pacna = x1 hopes for x2 (da'i-event) with likelihood x3 (by default liso'a i.e. close to 1)

pacna has the same place structure as kanpe, but in addition to a vague, may be even impartial expectation, it has the meaning of "hope". In fact pacna is something like kanpe je djica.

• INTEND

te mukti = x1 is motivated to bring about result/goal/objective x2 (da'i-abstraction) by x3 (motive, abstraction).

mi te mukti lo ka vitke fi la .paris.

I will visit Paris. I intend to/I'm gonna visit Paris.

mi te mukti vitke fi la .paris.

I'm visiting Paris intentionally.

• CAPABLE

kakne = x1 can/is able to do x2 (ka, da'i-abstraction).

mi pu kakne lo ka gunka

I could work. I was able to work.

• SHOULD

te javni = x1 should/ought to do x2 (da'i-abstraction) under rule x3.

mi te javni lo ka gunka

I should work.

• Don't have to, Needn't, Don't need to, Lack (absence) of obligation

na te javni

• NEED, NECESSITY

nitcu

• HAVE TO, OBLIGATION

bilga = x1 must/is obliged to do x2 (da'i-abstraction) under conditions x3.

mi bilga lo ka gunka

I must work. I have to work.

• ALLOW

curmi = x1 allows/permits x2 (da'i-abstraction)

• FORBID

tolcru = x1 forbids/prohibits x2 (da'i-abstraction)

• ADVISE

stidi

• BE SURE

birti = x1 is certain/sure/positive/convinced that x2 (da'i-abstraction) is true

• DOUBT

senpi = x1 doubts that x2 (da'i-abstraction) is true.

senpi = nalbirti

• IMAGINARY

xanri = x1 (da'i-abstraction) is imagined by x2

mi se xanri lo nu mi pavyseljirna.

I imagine myself being a unicorn.

I could be a unicorn.

Words with static da'inai in arguments

Other verbs can have da'inai implied in one of it's arguments.

• SURPRISE

spaji = x1 (da'inai-abstraction) surprises/startles/is unexpected [and generally sudden] to x2.

Sex and gender te sumti types

According to the so called politeness theory all human communication can be divided into “positive faces” and “negative faces”.

“Positive faces” are our desires to be liked, admired, ratified, and related to positively.

“Negative face” are our desires not to be imposed upon.

“Positive face” refers to our self-esteem, “negative face” refers to our freedom to act.

N-H. Negative faces damaging the hearer.

1. An act that affirms or denies a future act of the hearer creates pressure on the hearer to either perform or not perform the act.orders (sei minde), requests (.e’o), suggestions (.e’u), advice (.e’u), remindings (ke’u???), threats (nu’e???), warnings (.e’unai).
2. An act that expresses the speaker’s sentiments of the hearer or the hearer’s belongings.compliments (.iu, .i’o)expressions of envy (.i’onai) or admiration (.i’o)expressions of strong negative emotion toward the hearer, e.g. hatred (.iunai), anger (.o’onai), lust (.auro’i???, .au???).
3. An act that expresses some positive future act of the speaker toward the hearer. In doing so, pressure has been put on the hearer to accept or reject the act and possibly incur a debt.offers (sei friti)promises (nu’e).

N-S. Negative faces damaging the speaker.

An act that shows that the speaker is succumbing to the power of the hearer.

1. Expressing thanks (ki’e)
2. Accepting a thank you or apology (je’e)
3. Excuses (.u’u???)
4. Acceptance of offers (vi’o???)
5. A response to the hearer’s violation of social etiquette (ki’enai???, i’onai???)
6. The speaker commits himself to something he or she does not want to do (vi’onai???)

P-H. Positive faces damaging the hearer.

1. An act that expresses the speaker’s negative assessment of the hearer’s positive face or an element of his/her positive face. The speaker can display this disapproval in two ways. The first approach is for the speaker to directly or indirectly indicate that he dislikes some aspect of the hearer’s possessions, desires, or personal attributes. The second approach is for the speaker to express disapproval by stating or implying that the hearer is wrong, irrational, or misguided.expressions of disapproval (.i’enai), e.g. insults, accusations, complaintscontradictionsdisagreements (.ienai)challenges

An act that expresses the speaker’s indifference toward the addressee’s positive face:

1. The addressee might be embarrassed for or fear the speaker.excessively emotional expressions.
2. The speaker indicates that he doesn’t have the same values or fears as the hearerdisrespect (.ionai)mention of topics which are inappropriate in general or in the context.
3. The speaker indicates that he is willing to disregard the emotional well being of the hearer.belittling or boasting.
4. The speaker increases the possibility that a face-threatening act will occur. This situation is created when a topic is brought up by the speaker that is a sensitive societal subject.topics that relate to politics, race, religion.
5. The speaker indicates that he is indifferent to the positive face wants of the hearer. This is most often expressed in obvious non-cooperative behavior.interrupting (ta’a)non-sequiturs (ta’o???)
6. The speaker misidentifies the hearer in an offensive or embarrassing way. This may occur either accidentally or intentionally. Generally, this refers to the misuse of address terms in relation to status, gender, or age.Addressing a young woman as "ma’am" instead of "miss."

P-S. Positive faces damaging the speaker.

An act that shows that the speaker is in some sense wrong, and unable to control himself.

1. Apologies: In this act, speaker is damaging his own face by admitting that he regrets one of his previous acts. (.u’u???)
2. Acceptance of a compliment (ki’e???)
3. Inability to control one’s physical self (ri’ero’o???)
4. Inability to control one’s emotional self (ri’ero’i???)
5. Self-humiliation (.o’acu’i)
6. Confessions (sei stace???)

~ Berry Lesson. Metaphors

metfo = $x_1$ (bridi) is a metaphor/figurative expression having literal meaning $x_2$

pesna = $x_1$: its qualities are represented as a metaphor $x_2$ in dimension $x_3$+1,2

pe'a = sei se pesna se'u

postmo = $x_1$ emits random syllables $x_2$ and hopes that $x_3$ interprets them as meaningful, instead of the bullshit they actually are

Fancy Lojban

du'au, ce'oi, me'au, me'ei, kai'u, ce'oi, ce'ai, po'oi, no'oi

mi ce'oi do do ce'oi mi zmadu lo ni ce'u ce'u nelci I like you more than you like me.

Chinese style yes/no questions

yes/no questions with ji

There is another method of asking 'yes/no' questions. If the verb relation consists of only one verb word you can use repeat that verb word two times linking it with ji:

xu do nelci lo tcati - je'u

Do you like tea? - Yes.

do nelci ji nelci lo tcati - je

When using such method

• yes is je
• no is na je nai

This method is similar to the Chinese method of asking yes/no questions:

好不好 ?

hăo bù hăo?

Are you all right? (literally - "good not good"?)

As you can see "good" is repeated two times separated by the word "bù". Similarly, in Lojban we use ji, although the answers are not like in Chinese.